PEACE OUTLOOK.

Oamaru Mail, Volume XLIV, Issue 14038, 22 April 1920, Page 7

PEACE OUTLOOK.

.Mr Hughes, the Prime Minister, in the course of hi.s reply to the toast- of his health at the luncheon given by the Australian Industries Protection League, discussed the situation in Europe, and alluded to the revolution in Germany. The Prime Minister said that when the armistice was signed, about 18 months ago. he, as Mr J. C. Watson had reminded them, made a protest on behalf of the Commonwealth of Australia against its conditions, so far as they limited the plenary powers of the Peace Congress to make peace upon a foundation of justice only. In this country his protest was received in a very disappointing way. Mr Watson : At first' Mr Hughes went on to say that he attributed this fact mainly to abysmal ignorance on the part of many of his critics; ami, perhaps, it was due to the circumstance that they overlooked the fact that he was at the Peace Conference to represent Australia and not to represent the Tinted Kingdom, which they, for some reason or other, persisted in regarding as the Kmpirc. This, of course, it was not. "I think," continued Mr Hughes, amidst loud applause, "that circumstances have amply justified all that I said. Over and over again, during the Peace Conference, it was shown that the acceptance of President Wilson's fourteen points hampered lis at every turn, aim prevented justice l»-ing done." He should be able to show, if the occasion arose, that the American delegates were not there to do justice broadly; they were there, not with a blank page, but with President Wilson's fourteen points before them. If they studied the fruits of the Treaty of Versailles they were a little discouraged—indeed, it would be excusable if they were plunged into the very pit of depression. "It has not brought peace to the world at all." he contiinied. "The peace we have is the result of the victory of the Allied army, not of the Treaty of Versailles. (Applause.) To the extent' that Germany is powerless to-day to violate the terms of that Treaty, she is so because there rests on German soil a sufficient number of Allied troops to enforce her passive acceptance, at any rate, of the conditions imposed by the Allies." (Hear, hear.)

If they asked themselves. "Has that Treaty permitted that condition of things in Europe which is essential for the peace of the world'"' the answer was, "No. it lias not!" Austria to-day was on the verge of starvation ; Russia was still lorn l>y anarchy and alternative victories and defeats of parties who were at each other's throats; Germany, as that morning's papers had shown, was the victim of a coup d'etat. In that country a military revolution had taken place which had put on one side its niakebelieve Government—the Government which he had never for one moment believed to be permanent.

"There you see that which some of us have always declared to be the case." proceeded .Mr Hughes. "Behind this veil you see the German as he is—still a belitrver in force. (Applause.) You ask me if he is able to strike: I say he is not. Bui he is unable to strike not because of the Treaty at Versailles, but because Koch has the bridgeheads, the arsenals, and the heavy artillery. (Applause.) We are safe, but not because of the Treaty of Versailles."

What was the position in Turkey? If any man was able to say that a firm and definite policy had been given effect to in regard to that country he ought to declare what it was. For months in Paris they had discussed the League of Nations, and did not betrin to discuss the terms of peace for months after they met. This was because President Wilson's fourteen points were the foundation of peace. After they had been kept in a state of feverish unrest for months longer than was necessary. the League of Nations came forward covered with thousands of garlands and heralded by cohorts of idealists who declared that there was never to be any more war. /Laughter.) Yet thatiiation at the head of which was the author of the fourteen points was the only nation which was not going to accept the League of Nations. (Applause.) If (his had been done by a lesser body what would have been so id about its deliberations. But it was done by the most august body of the nations. Might they not say of this, as of other things, that it exemplified with how little wisdom we were governed. America was taking this attitude on grounds arising wholly out of a misunderstanding. Its reason was that the dominions which formed part of the British Empire were to have a vote. "I have never found any foreign u.-vtiou —I think I may speak of the Americans as foreigners—that is able to understand what the British 'Empire is. I should like to say to the American statesmen and people this : First of all, we stand fast by-that Treaty. (Hear, hear.) We fought for it, and we are as much entitled to the status of nations as America herself. (Applause.) We have paid a great price—greater than America paid for her nationhood—(applause)—zreater a thousand times; and we shall stand fast to the end for that. We cannot give way. I agree with my friend, Mr Rowell, of Canada; we cannot give way." Mr Hughes contended that America's assumption that Britain would have eight votes was completely refuted by what had happened at the Peace Conference, where thcr was hardly one thing in which Australia. through its representatives, did not vote against Britain at one time or the other. In the matter of a White Australia, that question was more likely than any other to lead to war. if -war should come, America was more in harmony with Australia than with that country whose dominion was expressed by people of many races scattered throughout the world. "America need have no fear," declared the Prime Minister. "Like all nations we are jealous of, our liberty, and determined to maintain our rights as- a nation. Whilst others cannot understand the" nature of those ties that bind us to Britain, we will not hesitate to assert oar rights, even when they nm counter to those of the United Kingdom itself/'