THE CHURCH AND LABOR.

Oamaru Mail, Volume XVIII, Issue 12119, 22 December 1913, Page 1

THE CHURCH AND LABOR.

(By Ifcv. Olias. 11. Unsh-lviijg.)

In the prest'iit, industrial crisis the community at large is prepared to give almost undivided attention to the ivlioie question, iiiu] will, undoubtedly, listen to both sides of the question. The present crisis lists gone far to bring into the light the plans and purpose, of the three great factors in the problem, the emjiloyer, the employee, and the'producer as represented by the farmer. Kaeh has a place in-Lhe analysis of the question, and each has rights to be considered, and it is safe to say that; the interests of the whole are ill th-> hands ,of a community which is able and willing to give a sympathetic attention to the whole, so that in reviewing the situation we must count in the claim of each, the character of each, and their ideals. . The section.of the community, doing most talk just now is not our organised and recognised government, and it is only by the patience and tolerance ol' 1 the community that this small section is permitted to hold up the industries and'transport of the Dominion. The loudest talkers of to-day condemn the authorised Government, the organiaation of law and order and the Church. Let us examine their grievances against the Church: Their complaint is that the Church exists for class distinction, that- the Church cares nothing for the forking man ; but those who say such things are ignorant of two tilings at least : —they

are ignorant of the amount; of time and study given to social ami industrial questions by the university students and by candidates For liolv orders. They are also ignorant of the keenness witn which the clergy read up and study the whole question ; and, while the worker is so limited in his views of the situation as to see only his side of the case, the clergy look all round the subject, search into history, analyse each section ami the whole. The clergy are not called or appointed to discriminate between class aiul class, nor are they called, to he dividers of wealth and distributors of production; but they are called to decide between right and wrong, to look upon all—not as employers or employees, but as men before God. The history of the past shows that the Church has consistently carried on research work on the social problems of Llie day, that she has studied carefully the regions of Economics and Labor. • Look at the men of England who have so carefully studied the whole question —Maurice, Kingsley ; of America, Pea.body; or of Krai ice, Le Play; or oi Germany, Lassalle, Huron von Ivettelei', Victor Huber, Pastor Stoeker—not one section of the church, lint the whole, as this list alone shows. Those are the men who used each opportunity as it appeared, 1 who felt their way through what was immediately possible towards the end which they desired, and, if the trades unions of to-day would adopt that olan instead of -'direct action," they "would win from generation to generation the loyal support, the sympathetic anil intelligent interpretation of their needs from the whole community. Without wishing to adversely or bitterly criticise any section of the community, 1 think 1 am safe in saying that only about one per cent, of the trade unionists join in the public worship o p God or get into close touch with -the clergy. And'wh.v? Because the Church stands for ideals which the average working man finds does not fit into his conception of Socialism. The ideals of the trades unions are not those the Church stands for, thus the impatient unionist thinks the Church is not only

slow, but indifferent; and not only indifferent, but hostile. These are the processes of thought, and the. result is, frequently, the unfounded statements that the" Church, stands for class distinction; that the Church is not for tlie working man. - Then come and see.

The Church stands for the ethical rather than the economic issue of the question, and emphasises these phases of domestic integrity, industrial thrift, moral education, and vital religion, but many think it almost impossible to define the social questions on these lines.Let the citizen of to-day look back into history and see what this ideal has done for him. He has been uplifted from slave to serf, from serf to servant,

I from servant to employee, and now he is a citizen with a vote, with domestic, civic. and electoral rights.. Jtvwas not the revolutionary social upheavals of the day that- gave him this advance, but it was the. above phases summed ui> into a -ft'hole which leavened the lump. In examining the historicity of the case we lind th.it- this programme has brought widely-divided sections of the Church together, that the Roman tholic has joined forces with the Protestant, that the Ecclesiastic Conservative has united with the Radical preacher, and all because of this united ideal which the-Church stands for. Huber associated himself with Maurice, and both agreed that von Ketteler's conception was the vital development if the question. The Labor J'arty oT Germany was prepared to search but a place for Christianity in the movement. And whv ? Because the extreme platform of ' what the "Red Federation" stands for has failed. It has failed [n France, and* it undoubtedly will fail here. These countries have abandoned the plan' of "direct action," and now the question is being worked out on ethical rather than economic lines. While looking into the history of this subject, we note that at one time the world's workers looked upon Christ as a Figure only met with in the Church, but after a while they found that Ho 's one of themselves, and they now class Him as such; so now we come to a nieetigg ground between the working classes and the Church, for if Christis the Central Figure of the Church, and Ho is also claimed as oiie with the world's workers, then surely we have-a

basis of unity. I'hc Church stands fon interjecting and perpetuating the teaching ot Christ and the masses have a reverence for Him in connection with the Church.

Then where else are we to find a common platform than in the Church!' While here on earth Christ had brought, under His notice almost every social question of His day, but all His judgments were on the lines of revelation rather than on the lines of reforms. He did not create a system of social reform, bin considered each question by itself, and lifted the whole into a higher plane. Should His Church do less than that? He had a comprehensive view of the whole s'ocial situation and issue, and His wisdom and insight were due to .t •'tranquil. elevation" of mind. He viewed the situations both from aboveand approached them from within, to must His Church. "The social, order is not the product of mechanism, but ot personality, and that personality fulfills itself in the social order." The peril of the present social order is its narrowness of outlook, and it expects the Church to be cribbed and cramped within the limited circumference of trades unions to the exclusion of all else. We grant that there must be some organisation to carry on the outward work of the union, that there should be order, purpose, and plan; but what value are these without vitality, and the vitality which will really so'fve the problems of the day is to be found in what the Church stands for. There is no other solution of the difficulties, and there is no other guarantee of permanency than in the solution Christ laid down. How, then, does the Clinch view the industrial order?

]. She views the employer and the em-' plovee, not as hostile, forces arrayed against each other, but as allies In production and distribution. •2. She recognises that the individual has soul, but not so the company or union.- - This second phase is-the secret of most, if hot all, of our. unrest. The' company, consisting of shareholders wlu

expect .Incentive dividends; of dirccto-.s who control the .affairs of the company; and the officers of the company, who are expected to produce certain results. But where is the soul P There is 110 soul to appeal to, no soul having the traits of the individual. Or, again, take the trade union. If we discuss tho present crisis with the individual

worker, he expresses a reasonable and emphatic opinion ; but, directly lie enters the precincts of his union and comes under the influence of numhera he. ■ -loses his- identity and his indi-. viihiality In the whole, \uid is then controlled by the inflammatory speeclies-of his lender's. '

The miiicl of the crowd is absolutely different from' the mind of the individual, and the present- crisis may be classified, as a riot of freedom- rn'tlTer' than the reasonable demand of a principle. Men are -wilfully, exercising their industrialireedonij not beca use'they will gain individually from it, not because they have been unjustly treated, not because.they have a.grievance, but because of the soulless rush to excitement and participation in activity which cannot, be obtained in the factory and foundry. They want to know what is ..going on quicker ■;than two issues of the Press daily, can supply, and once in the crowd they exercise the mind of tho crowd rather than the matured and sensible; cQitcebtions of the individual. What" be done? At the present time no ohe can put his finger on the sore and s3y this is the grievance, and this is the remedy. On the other hand, the Church is still prepared to examine tiie whole Isi 111 ation and to offer a solution of the problem, not from the limited horizon of the company or the union, but fronr_the wide horizon of ideal. Hut it is possible for her decisions to be tlnng aside as impracticable and i.e again accused of doing nothing. The Church, l\take it, is still prepared to view the problem from the economic point of view and search out a basis for industrial peace, and at the same time search the. situation from the ethical point of view in the interests of industrial justice. But the Church would emphasise fidelity, for fidelity in industry not only means the production of good work, but it also implies-the production of good men. In tile'face of our recent history, one is impelled- to hesitate; and even to see in the individual allegiance demanded by the strike leaders- that temper would not -ally itself with loyalty to the ideals of Christ; hence they will continue to say that the fchurch is unsympathetic. Christ counts on character to to produce economic transformation, but it these da.vs- it would seem that social revolution has become n substitute for vital religion.