MONTE CARLO.

Oamaru Mail, Volume XXXIX, Issue 10781, 1 June 1911, Page 6

MONTE CARLO.

A PRINCIPALITY GOVERNED BY A CASINO. Among the microscopic States in the European Concert, more minute even than the Republic of San Marino or the Valley of Andora, the Principality of Monaco holds a record; geographically it is the smallest State in Europe. Yet it is universally famous,- and every year it is visited by 15, <KH) foreigners. Apart from its special renown, the Principality of Monaco offers to the impartial observer some interesting facts, and i.s worthy of being .studied_ for more than one reason. The Press is writing just now about a persistent conflict between the Prince of Monaco and those whom one is pleased to consider as his most prosperous subjects. It i.s explained to us why the new Constitution formulated by his Serene Highness under the, pressure of public opinion has not satisfied the people of Monaco, and we are allowed to see certain eventualities which, in regard to the position occupied by the Principality on the Mediterranean coast, would not be without real gravity. —An Extraordinary History.— Monaco is an independent Principality, whose actual head, Albert 1., is a "scion of the Norman family of the Matignons. grafted, in the eighteenth ceimirv. on to the old Genoese stock of the Grimaldis. An extraordinary chapter of events, indeed, this history of a race of Italian corsairs, bold and cunning, planting its feet, in the Middle Ages, on this fortress of Monaco, built hv the Genoese, claiming its dominion.' little by little, and at iirst ■ un- ] certainly enough, on these lew rocks, hunted, or humiliated, turn by turn, by tht- Genoese, the Spaniards, and the French, raising its head with insolence when fortune favored, or bowing and criu'dii" in adverse times, and finally becoming great lords at the Court ol France, protected by the King and Sovereign princes! Their luck was equal to their cleverness, and never abandoned them throughout all the \ of their history. It continued .still in the nineteenth century, when Charles 111. succeeded by diplomatic tenacity in having his sovereignty recognised for the space of 20 years by most of the great States ot Europe. So well, indeed, that his successor reigns—or at least reigned until recent days—with absolute autocracy over a realm of ir>o hectares; that is to say, over a smaller territory than the smallest commune in France. This successor, Albert 1., enjoys a certain notoriety which he owes less to his princely quality than to his marine studies, his scientific expeditions, and the foundation of the Oceanographic Museum at Monaco, and of the Oceanographic Institute in Paris. • But his people are less known, inere are very few of them. The Principality of Monaco at the last official census of 1908 comprised 19,121 inhabitants, including 17,039 foreigners (among whom were 8241 Italians, 7306 French, olfa German, -391 Swiss, 385 English, etc.), and 1482 Monacoans. Note that carefully. The Prince governs, or has ceased to govern, 1482 subjects. And for the:;mdst. part they are Italian or French by origin, having been naturalised quite recenfJy^-lft. i; In spite of their small number, however, -they have not been hindered from takin" their nationality seriously, and they "nave pressed' forward their views with such energy ttiat there' JS_nQW a Monaco question, ; -as there is rt-Finnish or a PolishVone. Wisifciv ;li ••■;. "'. What,•! tbeny is this Administration which so-displeases those who are-chiefly concerned in it Until the'present year the power of in. theory, absolute. Prince.. Albert":would have been the last autocrat in Europe. His ordinances were 'isuprema lex.',.; A ? a matter of fact, one .may donbt.-wliether the maiority of the constitution were devoted" to this theoretical absolutism. But the new Constitution which has been drawn up bv French lawyers, and promulgated hardly three months ago, has profoundly modified the old order of things; ' • ■■' ■ - - 1 - ■'• •• ■-•■ |•' —The New 'Administration. —

Henceforth a Minister of State, assisted by a Council of three members, is at the head of the Government. As for the legislative power, it is held by the Prince and a National Council of 21 members elected by direct universal suffrage. That,-then, is the most important innovation,-as it transforms the Principality-into a-constitutipnal State. As for the; laws of the country, they are, with the? exception, of certain details, the French laws, inspired "by the same generous principles, and granting the same liberties.' • Such is the political organisation of the Principality. Its economic organisation is most peculiar. Monaco practically has neither agriculture . nor.; industry. Fifty-one years ago the country was almost a solitude. A few hundreds .of fishermen- lived miserably-on the coast/- Monte Carlo did not exist, or rather was nothing but a tangled growth of shrubs and cactus, .with a few- pines- and olive trees; Who, then, first gave life, and then wealth, to this savage country, which seemed vowed to poverty? The Sooieie des Bains de Mer, otherwise called the Casino,- which M. Francois Blanc bought on March 31, 1863, for the sum of 1,700,000 francs from the Soeiete Lefehre, and .which he re-formed on grandiose foundations. However one innv grieve or rejoice, there is the brutal'fact. ■■ i ••;■-.-•

To M. Francois Blanc succeeded, in 1877, his son, M. Camille Blanc, under whose direction the business has continued to prosper. Does anyone want figures?. At the present moment the S.B.M. (Soeiete des Bains de. Mer) is worth the formidable sum of .375 millions of francs. ' ' ' .

But that is not all. Grouped around the gambling firm are the hotels of fantastic architecture, the fashionable shops, and the villas. The Grand Hotel de Paris, which belongs to the 5.8.M., represents a value of more than 20 million francs; the Hermitage and the Metropole, run by an English company, are estimated at about 4 million francs. The total value of the building property is 177 million francs, and of other property 50 million francs. The French hold' the greater part of this wealth (about 150 millions of francs), against 30 millions held by the Monacoaus, and 15 millions by the tlalians. The rest, perhaps 67 millions, are divided among other foreigners and limited companies. i The personal fortune of the Princehas followed the same increasing progress. Formerly tiie Princes of Monaco were so poor that in order to live they had to grind down their unfortunate subjects bv taxes. The Casino has made them enormously rich. An annual share -of the gambling profits (and this amounted in 19(10, for example, to 3,770.0(H) francs), special indemnities, which figure out nt dozens of millions of francs in Order to obtain a prolongation of the concession, contribute to-the steady stream into the princely treasury, so that the actual fortune of tha Prince is valued at nearly SO millions of francs. —The Ileal Government. — There is nothing astonishing about this if one reflects that the Casino, on one side, shows a yearly balance of 38 million francs, and that, on the other, everything is for the good of the Prince, as the S.B.M. subsidises nearly all the expenses of public order. And this is not the least strange characteristic of an organisation which makes the Casino'a State within the State, or, to speak more clearly, the. real Government, of which-the Government of the Prince is but an annexe.

The S.R.M.. indeed, has a very complicated Administration, . which constitutes a real Ministry, with its directors and comptrollers. The monopoly which it enjovs. and bv which it is assured of the exclusive exploitation of the gambling, has made it responsible, on the other hand, for many heavy burdens, which it docs not hesitate to support, because it thus secures dominion without fear of rivalry. In return for tins suzerain power it has allowed its obligations to accumulate. . Upon this Administration alone, since its general monopoly embraces an infinite variety of private monopolies, depend the service of water, cleansing, heating, and sanitation. It is responsible for lighting, the upkeep of the roads, squares, and gardens. It takes charge of the or-'anisation of public festivals and dramatic performances. Quite recently it supported the fire brigade. And those are only its chief obligations There are others only halt avowed, but still taxing the budget of the Casino; subsidies to the police of the Principality, and an allowance for may guess the object «of it—subsidies to the Press, ex-=

ceeding a million francs; subsidies to public works and to companies. In fact, the 5.8.M., in order to safeguard its power, absorbs nearly every monopoly, and has only disdained those which did not appear to be immediately useful to'its objects, or which, from one cause or another, have escaped its clutches, such as electricity, tramways, markets, and the Mont de Piete, or pawnshop. To sum up the whole matter the Prince of Monaco reigns. It is the S.B.M. which governs. ' , And the people of Monaco.-' It appears that thev ought to be perfectly happv in a country where the Casino has taken such scrupulous care of their well-being. What do they lack, indeed!-' All the public service is supported without any cost to them. Enormous sums have been expended: the port, upon which work is still going on lias it not swallowed up more than I"o'millions of francs? .Most of them <'et their wages from the S.M.B. And to that company, directly or indirectly, are due their fortunes and the prosperity of their country. Better still, relieved of all cares, without military service, thev do not pay taxes, arousing in this the envy of all those peoples of Europe who are crushed under the burden of innumerable imposts. Nevertheless, the people of Monaco are not happy. Privileged more in appearance than in reality (because, to cite one example, they also know the : meaniii" of indirect taxation, and suiter from the high price of living), they complain at the same time of their Prince and of their Casino. Above all, thev deplore that they are held in a-state of tutelage, esteeming themselves to be capable of managing their own ali'airs. They chum the right of intervening in the administration and the government of their country, to point out reforms which should be realised and abuses which should be simprewd ; to put on foot a programme "of public works, to beautify and modernise the Principality according to their taste. Finally, they are bold enotudi to desire—and it is to their hr,,,,,,—intellectual reforms, a more liberal regime, a more modern system of education. They are not content with satisfying their appetites. They claim their lights, holding, indeed, that liberty independence, dignity, .selfrespect, and esteem are possessions not without value. . . . There is the Monaco question in a nutshell. '