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NZ Truth, Issue 508, 13 March 1915, Page 9

Just as Navyium m Britain has always ussured Britain's commerce and aea supremacy. In France militarism possesses, as representative of the nation, "droit admlnlstratif," a whole body of special rights, privileges, and prerogatives as against private citizens, the nature of- which are determined on principles wholly different from the legal rights and duties of one citizen towards another. Whut crass hypocrisy It is for our War Party to pretend* that m fighting with France against Germany we are fighting to destroy Continental militarism! At the General Election of 1906 the electorate of Great Britain returned to power a Liberal Government pledged to maintain the country's Free Trade policy. The new Government, once m oftlce. were not long m recognising that the Protectionist propaganda of their political, opponents and the illwill it had engendered towards Germany involved very many thousands of ballot papers and considerable patronage and influence, and that if it could be done without sacrificing any of the principles of Free Trade it might be expedient to conciliate that mv (contented element. Accordingly, when later m the year the new agreci menl between France and Great Britain regarding Morocco had very nearly brought about hostilities between those countries and Germany, British diplomacy trimmed its Hails" to the Tariff Reform party, and Sir Edward Grey informed both the French and German ambassadors that m his opinion "if wur occurred public opinion m this country would rally to the. muteriul support of France," which really meant that the. Government considered that a blotting out of Germany from the map of Kurope would appeal more strongly to the haters of German trade and thus trump the card of those political opponents who advocated a tariff war. Intrigue and the curse, of expediency m national lifo make cowards of us all. It appears from a recruiting speech delivered by Mr. Asqitith, tit Cardiff, on October 2. that m 1912 Germany rightly or wrongly suspected that our somewhat sudden and unnatural friendship with Russia and France threatened m some way or other her interests as a nation, and that, m connequonco of these fears the Government of Great Brituin deemed it expedient to communicate the following messiiKu of goodwill to Germany: Britain declares that she will neither make nor join m any unprovoked attack upon Germany. Aggroetion upon Germany is not the subject, and forms no part of any treaty, understanding, or combination to which Britain is now a party, nor will sho become a party to anything that has such an object. This declaration failed iipparently to raliu German j»tu»picion, with U>»' result that she KtiU wanted to ascertain definitely whether, l» the event «>r the Her. man tuition liMnjr" enKucd m war, Britain "would pledge lur.sflf m n«*u- . trnlity. Hrit.ilu, of course, was <iult«s

entitled to refuse any such assurance, and, instead of giving it, lo vote her millions sterling for armaments and battleships; while Germany was equally entitled to suspect the bona fides of the British Government, their intentions and motives, and m the circumstances to redouble her efforts, m both her defensive and aggressive resources, so as to provide against any and every contingency of aggression or war from whatever quarter the risk might come, It was this redoubling by Germany of her efforts which Mr. Asquith and his Government m 19.13 put forward as a justification for the enormous increase m armaments which we as a nation, voted m that year. | BRITAIN'S PLEDGE TO FRANCE. ! At Cardiff, Mr. Asquith also told us that, nothwithstanding Britain's refusal to give a pledge of neutrality, his Government continued to work for "the creation of a better international att mospherc." What we did m this direcI tion is best evidenced by a letter whlcn Sir Edward Grey wrote to the French 'Ambassador on November 22, 19i2. You have pointed out that if either the French or British Governments had grave reasons to [ expect an unprovoked attack by it third Power (meaning Germany) it i might become essential to 'know , whether it could In that event depend on the armed assistance of the other. I agree it should immediately discuss with the other | whether both Governments should act together, and, if so, what measures they would be prepared to take m common. One result of this pledge of Britain's troth was that the President of the French Republic paid a State visit m the following year to King George; but with regard to the "conversations" which then took placo diplomacy has maintained a strict silence. All that is known is that during 1913 and the early portion of the present year, although Britain has never professed tb be a military nation or concerned m the militarism of either France, Germany, or Russia, British and French military experts, with the connivance of Sir Edward Grey, held joint military conferences and deliberations, and m April last King George went to Paris to pay a return State visit to the French President, Hhat he was accompanied by the Foreign Minister. Sir Edward. Grey, and that on April 21 the British people were told by an inspired leading article In the "Times" newspaper: : . The presence of the Secretary .of State. for Foreign Affairs as Mm- ( ister In attendance upon the King .is, of course, an indication that the questions which concorn the Powers of the Triple Entente (meaning Great Britain and France and tho latter's ally, Russia,) will be discussed during the visit, and as some of these questions aro of deep importance no conversations which may tako place about them can be without Interest. WHAT IS THE SECRET? What the important questions were and what decision or conclusion was arrived at, neither Parliament nor the people of Great Britain have ever been told. They are only known to the King and his Ministers, although some light was thrown, upon them by tho utterances of tho King and President Polncare at the State banquet, and by the "Times" leading article of- April 23. Said the President: It Is to-day ton years since the two Governments (meaning France and Britain) settled as friends the I, questions that separated them. The agreements then made naturally ; gave birth to a more general understanding, which is now and will henceforth bo one of the surest pledges of European equilibrium. While King George's reply was m these terms: I subscribe with my whole heart to your eloquent definition of the noble and exalted ends which our two countries pursue m common — , their attainment will be a boon to the two nations. While the "Times" article, of April 23, told us Russia's part m this general

A. R. DURRANT (New Commercial Hotel, Wellington). Tho' wowsers raise ructions and rant, They'll ne'er affect Mister Durrani. For this genial bloke. With the eye for a moke, Has got no time for croaker." or cant (He'll tell them it's v long beer they want).

understanding; m commenting upon the Royal visit to France, the "Times" said: Our friendship, m the Pronidont's nd'mlrablo phrase, corresponds to the considered wilt of the two powerful nations, and expanded by our friendly understanding wnn France's great ;ilty. It lium become one of til*' surest pledges or European equilibrium. Now. against whom are the*., understandings directed. and with what object, and what jUfUlleulion hud tlu' President for treating th«-m as corresponding lo tic considered will of Britain other than the acquiescence therein of King lieorgc and his Minister*? They point only to urn- conclusion. Hint some "understanding." involving an alliance, hint m-<Mi cnt.re.l Into between Britain. France and , Rusblr. rognrding tho third Tower mentioned In t<lr Edward Grey* loiter to