PACT OF LOCARNO

New Zealand Times, Volume LIII, Issue 12363, 5 February 1926, Page 6

PACT OF LOCARNO

AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE WHAT OF THE OVERSEA DOMINIONS ? POSSIBLE SOURCE OF WEAKNESS (To the Editor “N.Z. Times.”) Sir,—The Pact of Locarno is one of the most beneficent of diplomatic instruments that has ever been framed for the pacification and reconstruction of a war-wearied world. His Majesty’s Government in general and Sir Austen Chamberlain in particular may well be proud of the work that they have done to make the conclusion of such a pact possible. Britain has been true to her best traditions at Locarno, and has deserved weft of the world.

At the same time, the circumstances in which the pact were negotiated have thrown into bold relief a certain weakness, or perhaps we should rather say, a certain possible source of weakness in the present methods of conducting the foreign policy of the British Empire. In the conclusion of the pact, His Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas had no direct part, no representatives of the Dominions had signed Lho pact, and the situation appears to be that whilst Great Britain is under a solemnly-avowed obligation to come to the aid of either France or Germany, if aggressive action is taken by either of them against the other, the Dominions are under no such obligation. It is true that the British Con* stttution is not logical, that we have got on quite well without logic (in fact, a great deal better than many Empires that have had logical constitutions), and that the Dominions may confidently be trusted whenever a clear case of emergency arises to throw in their lot with Great Britain as they did so nobly and with such splendid effect in tho last Great War. Tho fact, however. none the less remains that in the development of a continuously visible unity of foreign policy of th© whole Empire, w© have not only not progressed, but have actually retrogressed, since the days of the War Cabinet. It is distinctly a strange outcome of the events of the last six years that the Dominion, whose representatives signed the Treaty of Versailles, and who each have seats at the table of the League of Nations, should have neither part nor lot in the negotiation and signature of so important a document as tho Fact of Locarno. Nor is anyone in particular to blame for this remarkable state of affairs. Sir Austen Chamberlain has pointed out with unanswerable Cogency the fart that the urgency of the need for the pacification and stabilisation of Europe, left neither time nor opportunitv for the Dominions to play that intimate part in the conclusion of the pact that they did in that of the Trentv of Versailles. At the moment Europe’s crying need over-rode alt other considerations, and the conclusion of the pact is most amply justified.

At the same time, the statesmen and peoples of Great Britain and of the Dominions would be guß+v of abysmal follv if they fail to consider very carefully and with much searching of heart, the dangers to which the Empire will inevitably bo exposed if the exceptional conditions attending the conclusion of the pact are loosely assumed to create a precedent for the methods of conducting Imperial policy. FULL AND FRANK CONSULTATION Tfc should b© over a main object of Imperial statesmen to secure that in all matters of international policy, the British Empire shall pull its full weight, and that when vital decisions have to be tnkon they should be arrived at by the road of full and frank and equal consultation between the statesmen of Great Britain, and each and all of the Dominions. A very proasingly immediate practical problem is that of finding means by which such continuous consultation may be secured.

Many of the pioneers of Imperial union fortv years or so ago looked forward to the evolution of a truly Imperial Parliament, in which Great Britain and all the Dominions should be represented, and which should deal only with matters of joint Imperial concern. Th© most remarkable of all enthusiasts for tho development and strengthening of th© British Empire, Cecil .Rhodes, was strongly imbued with this idea. Jt was a noble dream, that of reparating local and sectional policies from that of th© Empire as a whole, and bringing the best brains of the Empire together for th© purpose of administering and of legislating for the Empire. At that time it was recognised that it was not immediately practicable owing to the difficulties created by distance. It was. however, a curious fact that the more the difficulties of distance have been overcome by case and rapidity of transport, the less disposition does there seem to be for the creation of an Imperial Parliament for Imperial affairs alone, and representative equally of Great Britain and of each of the overseas Dominion*. Th© whole trend of opinion has been towards an intensification of nationalism throughout the Empire, and a jealousy of any body which would in any way relieve the separate Parliaments of one iota of their Imperial responsibility. Th© Dominions (including India) have obtained separate representation on th© Assembly of the League of Nations, and in certain cases they have their own Ministers representing them to foreign Powers. One may regrot this development, or one may rejoice in it, but it cannot be denied that it creates on entirely new situation for the Empire, and necessitates the provision of new machinery if the practical unity of Empire policy is to be maintained. When th© Imperial Conferences are meeting there is no real difficulty; the problem is to ensure rapid and continuous consultation on Imperial policy between all the Governments of th© Empire in the intervals between th© conferences.

THE KEY TO THE PROBLEM? It docs seem that it might he worth considering whether these rights of the Dominions (India included) may not, paradoxical though it appear, be the key to th© problem. If the Dominions were to empower their chosen representatives to the League of Nations Assembly to remain in London throughout th© whoUi year or years for which their term of dffiee lasts, and to meet at frequent interval:* throughout that period in consultation with th© representatives of the other Dominions and of th£ British Government, it would b© practically impossible for anv Imperial decision, however hurried by events, to be taken without flint full consultation which should make it a decision of the whole Empire As the British Government lias to spar© such statesmen to fill such posts as tho Yiecroyaltv of India and the Governor-Generalships of the Dominions, so th© Domicioai Governments

may well 6ee their wav to spare a representative statesman to perforin the duties of consultation in London. It is peculiarly a quality of our race to make what appears to be a weakness ami an illogical arrangement, a source of strength, and it does seem that it should not he impossible for the separate representation of the Dominions on the League of Nations to be thus made to promote Imperial unity. The question is one that might well be considered by the next Imperial Conference.—l am, etc., HENRY E. BAXNAHD. Liltlewiek 1/odge, Nr. Maidenhead, Berks, December 19th, 1925.