The New Zealand Times. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 30, 1922. WAR AND EMPIRE

New Zealand Times, Volume XLIX, Issue 11302, 30 August 1922, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 30, 192 2. WAR AND EMPIRE

General Sir 32. Chaytor, addressing the Rotary Club on. war yesterday, went to the root of the matter. The world flattered itself that in the days between August, 1914, and November, 1918, it fought Armageddon to end war. During the course of that conflict it was soothingly called “the war to end war." Since the conflict ceased, the talk in many lands has been of sundry formidable attempts to begin war again. Some of these have succeeded, and thousands of men have been killed and more thousands maimed!, swelling humanity’s huge total of war casualties as loft by Armageddon. The League of Nations has been set up to he regarded as an International Court of Justice, and the Washington Conference has done some good work. The Washington Conference has had a success which may prove more far-reach-ing even than the general expectation of it. These are good signs, to he welcomed and kept steadily in view by the world. On the other hand, it is idle to ignore the truth. As a matter of fact, the failure of many world conferences, from Cannes to “The Hague,” warns mankind of the enormous difficulty of all possible attempts to set the peace of the world on a permanent footing. The peace, theory rests on the hope of the League of Nations, with its International Court of Arbitration, plus the possibility of its getting at its command a force supplied by international co-operation strong enough to give practical 'validity to its decrees. But the things that have happened sinoe the Treaty of Versailles was signed warn us that these difficulties, great as they are, in the path of the league of Nations, are not the only difficulties to be faced and conquered. The others are what historic experience has shown to be the root causes of war. They are inherent in the progress of mankind. They are overcrowded territories, commercial. rivalries, and lust of dominion, the first division stimulated by the wealth of under-peopled lands; the second increased by the temptation offered by inferior equip ment and a lesser spirit of enterprise to nations better endowed in these re. spects. It is to all these difficulties that General Chaytor devoted his address. That he gave a luminous account of them will be readily admitted by every reader. His conclusion is as Bimple as his reasoning in its support is conclusive. It is that, while hoping that the good sense of mankind may find a way through all difficulties, including those that have hitherto been the root causes of all wars, every nation must be prepared for any possible eventuality. It is only another way of saying that, until the minds of men have come to agreement, there can be no check for the strong and no curb for the arrogant, when both are pressed by the spur of necessity, reminding men that life is preferable to death. To this truism the general gave the statistical support of the comparative densities of the world’s populations. One great hope, comforting to many minds, is the hope that the increasing fearfulness of military weapo'ns and engineering devices may terrorise the world into peace. But the facts of the present days of peace, during which invention has added to the terrible efficiency of the weapons which so devastated the world in the last four years of war, discount that hope seriously. Several nations, but no means all, have checked the rush of armaments and increased the possibilities of reasonable peace. If these nations can persuade the rest to join theTr movement, there may he good hope. But first, the nations standing out must be brought into the fold. Until, however, the whole world is in the fold, every nation must stand ready—to protect itself and to help whatever allies it may have. That strikes us all, as the general pointed out, as affecting the 'units of the Empire with vital force. The question of means arises. Many of the units declare that they cannot afford to pay more than they arr paying now, while

the centre of the Empire, which has hitherto borne the chief burden, is de elaring that it cannot continue its pay. ments on the scale of the past. But the probable alternative, if the Empire is caught unprepared, is destruction. That settles the question. The units of the Empire must pay their share of the expenditure needed, and do their part of the necessary service. But must the Empire be kept together? There can be no doubt of the answer. The Empire is strength, whereas each unit is, if separated, weakness. For proof read the lists of the world’s armies and navies. Men talk much of self-determination. Truly, self-determination is good. But there 16 one thing better. It is self-preserva-tion. That gives an indispensable bond to the Empire. There are other bonds much discussed of late, much tested, too, and generally recognised as sufficient for security of cohesion, without, for some time, at all events, requiring any further formation on constitutional lines. But the bond of eelf-pre-servation is obviously indispensable. This the people of the United States believe, and to justify their belief they fought, half a century ago, the greatest civil vs in history. All the American States had exercised their right of self-determination by entering the Union. When certain States wished to secede, forming a new Confederacy, they were met with the argument that they had made their '■hoice and must stand by it; they appealed to the sword, and the sword settled the question for the great Republic for all time. In like manner, the units of the British Empire have exercised their right of self-determination. They are in the Empire; they cannot now go out of it. The question of holding the Empire together is not now arguable. The Empire Represents united strength. It is the only power that can protect the units from the operation of the root causes of war. The only question is how best to arrange the co-operation of the various units for Imperial and local defence. With this question, Sir E. Chaytor dealt on general lines. Pointing out that the Empire depends primarily on sea-power, he urged that the units must co-operate according to their means in maintaining the same. The broad division of work is the fleet in being to the central partner, and the provision for defence of the thing? required by the fleet —harbours, docks, ccmimmicationfi, stores —to the other units. This for sea-power, for which sea services, not being expandible readily enough for war emergencies, must be maintained at a high standard. For land and air forces, which are easily expandible if established on a proper basis, a thing happily admitting of much economy, a lower standard can be adopted! But the liability of sending help to other units of the Empire must, of course, he recognised, and, after the experience of the war, can be guaranteed to he forthcoming. With defensive co-operation on these lines, the Empire is hardly likely to invite attack, unless it fails to fill its large empty spaces. General Ofiaytor deserves the thanks of the Dominion for his simple, thorough, and convincing treatment of this important subject.