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The New Zealand Times. MONDAY, JULY 25, 1921. AN EMPIRE NAVY

The question of an Empire Navy, involving as it doee the problem of the defence of the Pacific, was much the most important matter that the representatives of Australasia, the fartheetflung portion of the British Empire, went to London to deal with. For Canada and for South Africa naval questions are comparatively unimportant; but for Australia and New Zealand they are absolutely vital. Hence, while Mr Meighen (the Canadian Premier) and General Smuts (the Premier of the South African Union) view these matters with a certain aloofness, due in- part to the fact that the populations of their great Dominions are not entirely British, as are, to all intents and purposes, the people of Australia and New Zealand, Mr W. M. Hughes and Mr Massey take in naval questions the keenest and liveliest interest. It is all very well for Mr Meighen, with Canada’s powerful neighbour, the United States, separated from her only by an imaginary boundary line, to wish to rely upon the League of Nations and the Monroe Doctrine—more 'especially, perhaps, upon the Monroe Doctrine—and to prefer that the British Navy shall continue to be constituted as at present. It is, also, all very well for General Smuts—with his great country, almost invulnerable to attack from the sea, and separated from the headquarters of the British Navy by only about half the distarioe that lies between our highly, vulnerable island homes and the Motherland —-to he satisfied with things as they are, and content himself with saying that the position of his country is most difficult; that it contains a large leaven of Dutch, and, like Canada, is not a homogeneous nation. But, for Australia and New Zealand it is absolutely essential that the question of an Empire Navy shall be seriously and squarely faced —nay, more, shall be settled on a sound basis, and that without any unnecessary delay. While it is stated that the discussion at the Imperial Conference has centred so far round an Empire Navy, the Pacific not being specifically dealt with, it is manifest that the problem of the defrince of the Pacific must all the time he at the back of the minds of those taking part in the deliberations; for the centre of gravity' in naval matters has now shifted almost entirely to the9o waters. As a matter of fact, when once the larger plan has been decided upon tentatively, the Pacific proposals are to be dealt with in detail. On behalf of the Admiralty, the whole position, showing the relative strength of the British and foreign navies before the war and- at present, was explained frankly and clearly to the assembled Premiers; and the lessons of the war were reviewed, in conjunction with the experience of past centuries. One statement, the cablegrams inform us, showed that Japan owns eleven ships and America eight, each of them more powerful than any vessel that Britain' has in the Pacific. This is certainly not as it should be; and it is very safe to say that, in view of the change in the centre of gravity above referred to, such a position would never have been allowed to arise in the days of Admiral Lord Fisher. When, through the rapid growth of the German fleet, the centre of gravity shifted definitely to tho North Sea, Admiral Fisher did not hesitate to concentrate the British Fleet in Home waters; and so secretly and expeditiously was this accomplished that it was months before the world at large realised what had been done. As soon as tho menace of the Gorman High Seas Fleet had gone, it should have been clear to tho dullest brains at the Admiralty that the need for the concentration of the Navy in Home waters was passed. It should have been equally evident that it was essential that the British Navy must bo adequately represented in overy quarter of tho globe where Empire interests arc concerned ; and especially that tho furthest outports of tho Em-

pire should not be neglected, as this statement shows that they have been. It may, of course, he objected that the Admiralty has not yet sufficiently considered tho lessons of the war to decide upon what the future naval building programme is to be, and that the solution of this problem governs to no small extent the question of the distribution of the British NaVy. But it was a first principle with Lord Fisher, and a very sound one, never to let tho consideration of problems as to the future interfere with the instant readiness of the Navy to meet and deal ,with the, actual existing position. His ‘‘Records” and his “Memories” abound with protests against any such course. It is to be hoped, therefore, that the Imperial Conference, while discussing what is best to be done in regard to the establishment of an Empire Navy, will not forget to insist upon it that in the meantime the best possible tree shall be made of the British Navy—that it shall no longer remain' concentrated in British waters, where no serious menace now exists, but shall be distributed to the greatest advantage for the upholding and safeguarding of the interests of the Empire the world over. Of course, the right of the Dominion Premiers to make such a demand may well be questioned, inasmuch as the Dominions, ae Mr Hughes pointed out to the Conference, pay nothing towards the Navy now. It is undoubtedly a sound principle that if the Dominions shelter under the British Navy they should be prepared to accept their share of the cost; and, unquestionably the delegates to the Imperial Conference and the Dominions they represent must face and accept this issue. Britain can no longer bear unaided the whole cost of the Navy. If we are to have an Empire Navy, the Navy must be supported by the Empire as a whole. This, indeed, seems already to have been agreed upon. The efforts of the Conference, we are told, are to he concentrated upon devising a scheme for Empire defence acceptable in its general principles to all the delegates, and they will submit it to their respective Parliaments for approval and ratification and detailed examination. The accepted scheme is to be put before each Dominion Cabinet, showing the total cost of the proposed shares allotted by the Conference; and the details giyen will permit a full discussion.

Of course, the proposed -Disarmament Conference, which, the Tokio newspapers declare, the Japanese Cabinet has decided to take part in, may, and we sincerely hope will, result in the limitation of naval armaments. But, as Mr Lloyd George stated in the House of Commons last week, it would, nevertheless, be a dereliction of duty on the part of the Admiralty to allow, the efficiency, training, and morale of the Navy to deteriorate through neglect of providing it with material equal to the best; and, wo would add, through neglect of the proper disposition of the Nayy. While, therefore, the British Premier assures us, the Imperial Government has not committed itself to, and does not contemplate, any naval building programme in answer to that of any other Power, it is essential to replace obsolete capital ships, and this is not affected by the possible success of the Washington Conference. Nor can the possible success of the Conference do away with the need for an Empire Navy or exonerate the Dominions from their bounden duty to contribute their respective shares towards the cost of that Navy.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZTIM19210725.2.16

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Times, Volume XLVII, Issue 10961, 25 July 1921, Page 4

Word Count
1,260

The New Zealand Times. MONDAY, JULY 25, 1921. AN EMPIRE NAVY New Zealand Times, Volume XLVII, Issue 10961, 25 July 1921, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. MONDAY, JULY 25, 1921. AN EMPIRE NAVY New Zealand Times, Volume XLVII, Issue 10961, 25 July 1921, Page 4