The New Zealand Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1920. GERMANY AND PRUSSIA

New Zealand Times, Volume XLVI, Issue 10540, 17 March 1920, Page 4

The New Zealand Times. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1920. GERMANY AND PRUSSIA

Though only censored news is allowed to come from Berlin, it is not difficult to understand the thing that is going forward. That thing is too obvious for the camouflage of any censor. It has been in progress for some days, and dte character is becoming clear. Of that character the "Times" has given an estimate which, though rough, seems quite reliable. It, at all events, 'fits all the details -which have been allowed! to transpire, if those ' details are read Iby the light of recent events. The "Times" describes the situation as Prussia against the rest of Germany. The plain meaning of this is beyond doubt' or question. Prussia was the force that bound all the States of Germany into an Empire ruled by the Head of the House of Hohenzollern, and held together by the power of the Hohenzollern's drill Bergeants, in the plausible likeness of a democracy, but in reality an autocracy of the strictest and most unbreakable. This Empire was broken to pieces 'by the victory of the Allies, and Prussia is taking the first opportunity to set it \ip again, together with all it stood for when it plunged the world into war. That is the "Times" reading of the Berlin "coup d'etat." Herr Noske saw the coup in preparation, underrated tEe military strength in the hands of the conspirators, and overrated the fidelity of the forces he had got together for tihe defence of the Republic. Had' he succeeded in seizing the ringleaders ho might have destroyed the conspiracy. His failure to do so forced them to premature action, with the result that they hold Prussia and the parts of Germany adjacent with a most tenaoiofis grip, while the rest of Germany is, if not hostile, at all events not in sympathy. But Prussia has a million of trained troops, all faithful to the conspiracy, wihile the rest of the Fatherland depends on a general strike to help what troops may have remained faithful to the Republic to deal with the conspirators. "We will put down all strikes," I>r Kapp has said. On the other hand the strike in partial, weak, unorganised, and unarmed. The fight, if there is to bo a fight, will-be between bayonets and bombast. How that must end, we can learh from the issue of the few encounters which have already taken place in various places. In Germany it is most prdbaiblo that the Prussian Bayonets will rule easily. That the bayonet is Prussian is guaranteed by certain prominent names behind tho bayonet, Helfferich, von J agon*.—Minister of the Interior today, not Foreign Secretary as announced yesterday—von Kuhlmann, of Brest-Litpvsk and Mexican fame, Yon I/Uttwitz, and others which como through the hands of the censor. Von Hindenlburg and von Ludendorff hover over tho movement in the air of ru-' mour, powerfully helping the others to discount tho Kappian declaration of fidelity to the Republic and respect for the Treaty. And these evidences

of Prussianism are' in company with recent historic events, as the "Times" is direful to point out. It is according to the usual .British practice, after an event, of enumerating very-forcibly all the signs which pointed to the coming of tho event without inducing forcfblo or even feeble action. These events are the great Hungarian military demonstration, and the impudent revolt of tho Turks against the Treaty and the Kntente. Prussianism struck down by the Allies in nil the lands of its domination has joined in a conspiracy to gather its strength for the restora- * tion of its power. It has not forgotten the American set-back. It has read the lesson of the Senatorial debates and resolutions. It will obtain further joy from the statement published to-day that the American contingent of the Allied. Army of the Rhine, will not advance without orders From the President, whose inability to ■'•deliver the promised goods" has been proved. All of which enables us to realise the tremendously serious character of the situation that has so suddenly amazed Europe. \ In Paris the Government is watching eagerly, -while the ex-Prcsideut holds forth about the carelessness, in- I consistency, and blindness of the Allies. In London Mr Lloyd George gives some ocho of admission by refusing to let the trouble -of Europe interfere with his week-end 'holiday. At The Hague tho Dutch Government shows its appreciation of the position by discussing the test methods of getting the Kaiser out of German reach, while tho Kaiser receives strings of German visitors, bent on showing him the quickest way into Germany. ''"What of the German people?" one wonders. Outsido of Germany it is eaid that the. German peoplo haa no sympathy at all with tho monarchic conspirators, whose chiefs have wreckied their Empire, and their commerce, and their industrial well-being. Tha a'bsence of any reference at all from messages which even the censor would earnestly desire to see filled with descriptions of joyful popular acclamation, rather corroborates the opinion that the German people have had quito enough of Prussianism, and Kaisers, and drill-sergeants. On the other hand, we know what Prussianism can do with a million troops against a general strike"-which is not general. On the whole, then, it seems that in the general watching of the German situation it will require uncommonly keen eyes to discover anything reassuring. The Kappian reference to the shortcomings of the old Government and to tho democratic intentions of the new is plausible, and if trustworthy would inspire confidence. But is it trustworthy? There's the rub.