HISTORIC SPEECH.
THE HIGHER IMPERIALISM sir josKPir ward on the OUTLOOK. VV.OU OCI’. SPECIAL COIUVESI'ONDENT. LONDON, Juno IC. Wo have boon privileged to listen to a ?q>m*h of iho greatest importance. 1 predict that it will be quoted in connection with this groat subject lor many years to come. Ton will remember in years hereafter that you have heard this speech, of the Prime Minister of New Zealand.
These weighty words, coming from so distinguished a man as Lord Selborne, uro a high tribute indeed to the value *jf the address given by .Sir Joseph Ward before the Royal Colonial Institute on Tuesday night, on the subject of a higher and truer Imperialism. Sir Joseph Ward, who was received with loud applause, said in the course of his address: —
The Imperial Conference Just now sitting in London Is doing useful work in. discussing and settling questions of general interest to the Empire, but this Conference has a much deeper significance to every man who has followed the historical development of British colonial policy. Only by recollecting the past: can wo understand tho present. Tho Imperial Conference signifies that Great Britain recognises that it is her duty to call her children to her councils; that, while sho must always be first in her trwn house, these children of hers are vitally interested in what. the family ia doing—(.applause) —and that a proper and fair appreciation of the claims of her colonies compels her to treat them no longer as tributary States, but as free young nations. (.Applause.) -Has this stage uuished its course, or is it but beginning? To my mind tho answer to that question determines the final destiny of -Great Britain, if the Empire as to havo no closer unity, no bettor or-, ganised system of co-operation, no closer council of Empire than a lonr-yeaiiy meeting of Prime Ministers round a table in London, then, to my mind—and this is my most anxious thought—tho outlook for imperial unity is grave and clouded. (Hear, hear.) Two courses pre6ont themselves at this juncture, hirst. Great Britain may acquiesce in the continuance of the present system, and permit time to lead tho great self-govern-ing Dominions on to a fuller nationhood; permit them while this growth continues to enter upon a foreign policy of their own; to enter into alliances — commercial, or, perhaps, oven defensive—with other nations; permit them to develop, along their own lines, a naval policy of their own; and ultimately permit thorn to declare ’ whether they will remain at peace while sho is at wax*; and, as they logically must, in such cases, secure that peace by the assertion xxf independence —for by no other means, as far as I can judge, could such a state of things be consummated. That is on© course. The other, and. the only other, course that I can see, is that of a steady promotion of Imperial cooperation for ail the vital questions, including defence, which affect the Empire as a whole, and of this the first principle is the creation of a true citizenship of Empire, (Applause.) We call, and rightly call, the British Empire the greatest the world, has ever seen, and yet lfi,uoo,ooo—most certainly destined to grow to many millions more—of her white subjects are to-day excluded from a full Imx>erial citizenship. Fifteen millions have no voice whatever in questions of foreign policy; no voice whatever in tho maintenance, protection, and control of the navy; no voice whatever in the allimportant question of peace or war. And while these peoples overseas aro disfranchised in this way you havo not, and you never will have, a basis of a true Imperial system. That the children of tho Empire should bear their burden m conjunction with’the Motherland is now a teaching no longer questioned; but this, expressed in clear words, means that they should contribute in money, in ships or men, to the defence of the Empire as a whole. (Applause.) We must now adopt and devise some scheme bv which these rapidly-growing nations under the British tiag overseas will bo united to tho Motherland by a strong, effective, permanent co-operation; not based upon sentiment alone, although, doubtless, sentiment will always be a deep basis.
Wo owe an obligation to our cdvilisa*tion proportionate to our power and our privileges; and apart from our own immediate intercet of pride in our Empire, there is this higher duty, which every true heart feels, of helping- on th© higher civilisation, of tho world, as Britain in the past has so nobly done. But how; can this high mission bo fulfilled if the Empire’s fa to is disintegration ? Can Britain stand alone shorn of her children's aid in the hour of national tual and peril? But this touches these Dominions as fully as it touches Britain. I have asked; Can Britain stand alone? I now ask: Can they? They axe pursuing high ideals of their own nationalism, but they do not, and cannot, individually stand alone without tho protection of the Mother Country. (Applause.) United they can defy tho world (load applause), divided they can Tnn.inf_n.-in their national existence, if at all, only with a burden, .and at a sacrifice pressing on every citizen, and obstructive to every progressive social scheme aiming at the betterment of their own people. I have tried my hand «.t a scheme of Imperial co-operation, and only the man who has essayed that task can properly estimate its difficulty. I am profoundly aware of tho difficulties, but no difficulty will yield to solution •unless th© will precedes the search, of th© way; and what X say is wanted just now as a preliminary to am. anxious search for an effective, system is a genuine desire on tho part of the people of this Motherland and of th© oversea Dominions and of the statesmen who control her destinies to extend privileges and Imperial citizenship to every son of the Empire across the seas —(applause)—and bo bring the day of the birth of a true Imperial Council or Parliament—l care not by which name it is called— giving io eyory contingent part of tho Empire a voice in its .destiny, and welding the free nations which constitute it into one indissoluble whole for its maintenancej and the promotion of its ideals, including that all-important object, our national defence. (Loud applause.) Sir Frederick Young thanked Sir Joseph Ward for the statesmanlike position he had taken with regard to Imperial Federation, in which ho personally had taken an active part for many years. Mr E. T. Powell said that he wished to offer his humble meed of praise fori the very masterly address which Sir! Joseph Ward had given them. He con- * tidered that Sir Joseph Ward’s address; constituted a great epoch in the history! of English political thought. I
Lord Selborne, who presided, said Sir Joseph Ward had dealt more ously. and at closer quarters with th© question of the organisation of the Empire than any statesman had vet done. When the statesmen of tho Dominions did come forward with a orepared scheme, they would find many men on this side of the water who would give up th© whole of their political lives to support them. (Cheers.)
Among th© Now Zealanders present at tho meeting wore Lady Ward and MLs Ward, Sir W. TL and Lady Russell, Sir Win, HaH-JonC'S, Mr and Airs J. Kirkor. Mr C. P. Skcrrott, Tv.C„ Mr At. A. Clark, Mr. Alfred. Kidd, -Mr-and Mrs Jas. His-
lop. Miss Jessie- VW-.ton. Mr and Mrs J M. 11. Tripp. Mr ami Mrs D. Margolimi*h, Mr and Mr- G. -I. Marks, and Mr \V. Roper.
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 7869, 3 August 1911, Page 3
Word Count
1,273HISTORIC SPEECH. New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 7869, 3 August 1911, Page 3
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