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THE ONE THING NEEDFUL.

Tim following is portion of au article naitrilxiU*! to tho I-rondon I 'limes by Count Leo Tolstoy:—•

At present tho position of our < 'liristinn world is this: one small portion or men possess the greater part or iho land ami enormous wealth, which 7iioro an<l nioro concontrato th<Mnsolvos iu tho satno hands, and are being used f ; ,c maintenance of tho luxurious, ffeminato, unnatural life of a small number of families. Another and /y'alcr portion of men, deprived of the •v./ht, and therefore o e . the possibility iredy using Uio land, cncumbcrcKl v.- taxes raisdfon all necessary articles, ..id therefore crushed by unnatural, unhealthy labour in factories belonging to tho wealthy, often having neither convenient habitations, nor fib clothing, nor healthy food, nor tho leisure necessary for mental and spiritual life, live (and die in dependence on and in hatred towards those who, profiting by their labour, compel them to live thus. Each section fears the other, and when they can, they coen;e, deceive, cob, and kill each other. 'Tho chief portion of the activity of both is spent, not on productive labour, hut in strife. Capitalists strive witli capitalists, working .men with working men, and capitalists with working men ; so that nottv it) islanding machine production which ban reached a high degree of perfection, the riches of the land are irreparably squandered both on its surface and inside it; ami above all, human lives are 'anpnxluctirely, ’painfully, and uselessly spent. What is most painful in this 'itato of things is that the poor as well iu s tho wealthy know that such a lite is sonaolces, and that it would be much more adva.ntagoons belli for the rich and for tho poor, wore they to unite their pov/ers and to divide their labour and its produce, but neither sees any possibility of altering the existing conditions and so they continue to live bating each other ami harming each 'Other, all tho while aware that their position is becoming worse and worse. Boyond these calamities, there Tics yet Another, siren nous and unceasing conflict of nations with nations, of States with States, manifesting itself in the (expenditure of the greater part of human labour on preparation for wars; and almost without ceasing, wars tbem'Aolves go on, wherein hundreds of thousands of men perish in the mofifc flourishing period of their lives, and millions of men are depraved. And as in all tho disasters they experience, men know that all this should nob be, that those armaments and wars are senseless, ruinous, and that they can end in nothing but tho ruin and brutalisation of all. Yob notwithstanding this, they give ever more and more of their labour and lives to tho preparation for wars and to wars themselves. Everyone knows that all this should not be, and might bo avoided, and yet all do everything that maintains and increases tho calamitous position. This consciousness of a life being led, contrary to one’s intereedfl, reason, and desire, is so painful that, nob seeing any issue out of this contradiction, the more sensitive nnd spirited men solve it by suicide (and Vho number of such is continually in■crcasing), others, also suffering from the consciousness of tho contradiction between their rational nature and life, addict themselves to partial suicideto tho stifling of their reason by stultifying themselves with tobacco, wine, brandy, opium, or morphia. Tho third, bcsidoEi stupefying themselves with various iinrrcotics, endeavour further to tforgofc themselves by giving themselves •over to various exciting, befogging amusements, spectacles or studies, to various theoretical reasonings about utterly useless objects which they call ueienco and art. Meanwhile an enormous 'majority, crushed by labour, unceasingly stupefying themselves with narcotics offered to them by their position, having no timo to think of tbeir 'position, although feeling that what is going on is not what should be, live meiely to satisfy their animal demands. And generation after generation, the i>ocr os well as tho rich, live nnd dio without a thought as to why they have been living this senseless nnd suffering life, or else with a vagno consciousness that all this life had been some kind tf a dreadful nnd cruel mistake. This postion is terrible, especially in that while living this_ miserable existence men, in tho depths of their souls, nro conscious of tho possibility of an attcrly different lite—of a life rational and 'fraternal without the insane luxury tf some and tho destitution mid ignorance of others; without executions, depravity, violence, armaments, and wars.

Yet men have grown so accustomed to the organisation of life founded on violence that they cannot imagine a caramon life without governmental power, and havs even become so inured to it that they actually endeavour to realise tlio very ideals of rational, free, fraternal lifo through governmental power, i.c., through coercion. This error lies at the bottom of the Whole confusion of the 'past as well as tho present, and even tho future lifo Srf Christian nations. A striking example of this error is presented by the great French Revolution. Tho workers of tho Revolution set forward clearly those ideals of equality, freedom, and brotherhood in. tho name of which they intended to reconstruct society. Cut of these principles there followed practical measures; tho abolition of classes, the equalisation of property. abolition of ranks and titles, abolition of landed property, dissolution of tho permanent army, incometax, working-men’s pensions, tho separation of the Church from tho State, ®von tho establishment of a rational religious teaching common to nil. AH these were reasonable, beneficial measures flawing from tho unquestionably true principles of equality, freedom, brotherhood, put forward by the revolution. These principles, as well as tho .'measures flowing from them, as they wore in tho past, so they have remained and will remain, true, and will stand before mankind as ideals until they are realised. But these ideals could never bo attained by coercion, and yet the toon of that time were so accustomed to regard coercion as tho only means J>f influencing others that they did not see tho cantradiotion contained in tho ■idea of attaining equality, freedom, brotherhood, by means of violence. They did not see that equality in its esseuoE) repudiates power and submission, that freedom is incompatible with compulsion, and that there cannot bo brotherhood between, commanders and subordinates. Hence all the atrocities ■d tho Reign of Terror. Tho principles aro not to blamo for those atrocities, as many think (tho principles were true and will remain so), out tho method of their realisation is to blamo. Tho contradiction which expressed itself so vividly and coarsely in tho great French Revolution, and which, instead of leading to welfare, led to the greatest calamities, has remained tho same until now. At present this contradiction penetrates all attempts to

improve tho social order. It is proposer! to realise till social coercion. More than this, this contradiction is manifest not only in the present but in the case of Ihe most progressive Socialists, revolutionists, Anarchists, it has its place in their - conception of tho future organisation of life. Men wish to realise tho ideal of a rational, free, and fraternal life on the foundation of coercive power, whereas coercive power, however it may he transposed into new positions and conditions. is always tho right appropriated by certain people to dispose of othcra, and, in the case of disobedience, tho right of compulsion, and, in extreme cases, of murder. By means of murder to realise tho ideals of human welfare! The great French “Revolution was that enfant terrible which —given the enthusiasm which had gob hold of tho whole people when they became conscious of the great truths they had discovered. and the impetus of violence — in the most naive form expressed all the absurdity of the contradiction under which humanity was then and is still struggling—“Libertc, Kgalite, Fratornito—ou la mort.”

The cause of this strange contradiction owing to which people endeavour to realise the ideals of equality, freedom, and brotherhood by means of an activity directly contrary to these Ideals, and excluding all possibility of their realisation is that, as has been mentioned above, people aro already vaguely aware of the religions consciousness natural to the present ago of mankind, whereas life continues to move in tho previous forms, and men have become so accustomed to them that they cannot imagine life outside these forms, which have themselves developed from tho view of life which is already outlived. Tho child has become adult, but still, through old habit, wishes to bo fed, clothed, and taught by others. Tho forms of life no longer correspond to tho ago of mankind, but a consciousness corresponding to this ago is not yet assimilated. This is why men of our time direct all their efforts for tho improvement of their position to the correction, alteration, or improvement of external governmental forms, of that which, in its very essence, is incompatible) with tho ideal of a rational, free and brotherly life, and which, not only for the realisation of this life, but for tho possibility of approaching it, must nil bo abolished.

“If only the government acted correctly, or if a good one were established instead of a bad one,” think tho majority of tho men of onr time, “then all will como round and bo well, men will bo equalised, will bo free, and will livo in concord.” Somo think that for this it is only necessary not to violate tho quick flow of tho life of existing governments, that it is necessary to maintain, without alteration, tho existing once-csfablished order, and tho government will arrange everything themselves so long as they are not hindered. These aro the people who are called Conservatives. Others think and say that tho present evil state of things must and can bo altered and corrected by tho introduction of new laws and institutions guaranteeing the equality and liberty of men. These aro those who aro called Liberals. Others, again, believe that tho present order is no good as a whole, that it should he all abolished and replaced by another more perfect—one that would establish complete equality—especially economical—would ensure liberty and assort tho brotherhood of all men, without distinction of states. These aro the men who are called E-evolutionists of various shades. All those men, although differing between themselves, nevertheless agree in one essential point—that it is only through governmental, i. 0., coercive ■power that tho position of men can be improved. So think and say well-to-do people who have time to discudh general questions. (Of late an esnecially great number of such people have appeared. I think it will not ho an exaggeration to say that tho larger half of tho time occupied with discussions and admonitions of each other, and with controversies as to what is tho best way for tho government to act, and how the government should act _ for tho greater or the lessor realisation of the ideals of equality, liberty, and brotherhood.) The enormous majority of poor working men have no leisure for tho discussion of general questions and. the admonition of each other, yet, as a matter of fact, think and say tho same, namely, that tho improvement of the social order can be realised only through governments, and they not only do not desire tho abolition of governments, but they rest all their hopes on an improved governmental power, present or prospective. Not only do tho rich and poor think so, but they act accordingly. In China, Turkey, Abyssinia, Russia, the old order is* maintained without alteration, but everything gets worse and worse. In England, America, in lice, they endeavour by means of Constitutions and Parliaments to improve the social order, but tho ideals of equality, freedom, and brotherhood remain as far from realisation as formerly. In France, Spain, tho South American Republics, at present in Russia, revolutions have been and are got up, but whether those revolutions succeed or do not succeed, after them, like a wave hurled back, tho same and again tho same position returns, sometimes even worse than the former. Whether men retain tho former governmental power or alter it, tho restriction of liberty and the enmity between men remain the same. There are the same executions, prisons, banishments, the same want of freedom to buy untaxed produce from the other side of a given boundary, or to use tho implements of labour; tho same universal restraint (as in tho time of Joseph in Egypt) of the working men from using the land on which they were born : tho same enmity of nation against nation ; tho same raids as in the time of Jonghiz Khan on tho defenceless nations of Africa and Asia and on each other; tho same cruelties, tho same tortures of solitary confinement and military prisons as during Inquisition days; tho same standing armies and military slavery; and tho same inequality which existed between Pharaoh and his slaves, persists between tho Rockefellers and tho Rothschilds and their slaves.

Forms change, bnt tho substance of tho relations between men does not change, and therefore the ideals of equality. liberty, and brotherhood do not approach ono step nearer realisation. If any approach towards tho realisation of those ideals has taken place, it is not owing to any change in the governmental forms, but rather in spite of tho restraining influence of governments. If there be fewer robberies in tho streets of towns, it is not due to any new laws, but to a bettor lighting of tho streets. If people do not so often die of hunger,, this is not owing to laws and governmental organisation, but to moans of transit. If they have ceased to burn witches, or to use tor-

tnro as tho means of discovering truth, or to cut off noses, tongues, and ears for tho enactment of justice, this is not from any new organisation of tho government, hut from tho development of knowledge anti good feeling, quite independent of government organisation. Tho external forms alter according to tho age of mankind —i. 0., according .o tho development of mental powers ami power over nature; but tho substance remains tho same, somewhat as wiien a body is falling, it can change its position, but the line along which its centre of gravity moves will always ,e the same.

Throw a cat from a height; it may turn or fly with its head up or down, but its centre of gravity will not leave tho lino of its descent. It is tho same with alterations of tho external forms of government coercion. It might appear that men, recognising themselves as rational beings whoso lifo should ho guided by tho ideals of reason and righteousness, ought to do mo or two tilings—either give up rational ideals incompatible with coercion, on giro up coercion, and ccaso to organise and maintain it. But men do neither the-one nor tho other, but merely in various ways alter tho aspect of violence, oven as a man carrying a useless weight might keep changing its form or removing it from his back to his shoulders, or from his shoulders to his v, aist, and then again to his back without tho thought occurring to him of doing the ono thing necessary—throwing it away.

What in this is worst of all is that whilst concerning themselves with tho alteration of government forms of violence—i.o., that which, however it he altered, cannot improve tho position—men go even further and further from that activity which alone can improve their position.

Christian humanity, perhaps even all humanity, is now standing on the threshold of an enormous revolution (similar to what takes place in the separate individual when ho passes from duldhood to manhood) —a revolution accomplished, not in centuries, but perhaps in thousands of years. This rovolut;on is of a double character, internal and external; tho internal consists in Jiis. Faith, religion—i.c., the explanation of tho meaning of life in all former times (and tho more so the further Pack) appeared possible only in tho .orra of occupft. mystic, miraculous, revelations and rites connected with them. At present mankind in its highest, especially in its Christian representatives, has reached that point where it no longer requires a mystical explanation of the meaning of life by means of miraculous revelations, and when tho fulfilment of rites instituted for tho satisfaction of God has become equally unnecessary, and there has como forward as a sufficient explanation, far more convincing than the former mystical one, a simple rational explanation of tho meaning of life, from which, instead of the former fulfilment of rites, there flov,;s with greater obligation tho fulfilment of vital moral demands. Such is tho inner revolution which has been taking place for thousands of years and is still going on. but which lias now reached such a degree that tho majority of men aro already capable of assimilating this new religious understanding. The grown-up man is beginning to feel that ho is ceasing to bo a child. Such is tho inner revolution. The external revolution connected with tho inner one, and flowing from it, consists in tho alteration of the forms of social life, in tho alteration of the principle which formerly united and now unites mem in social life; in tho replacing of violence by, rational persuasion and agreement. Humanity has tried ©very possible form of coercive government, and everywhere, from tho most improved republican to tho coarsest despotic, the evil of violence remains the same both in quality and quantity. If you have not got the autocracy of tho chief of a despotic government, you have tho lynching and self-rule of a republican crowd. If you haven’t personal slavery, you have monetary slavery ; if not direct rates and taxes, you have indirect duties; if not despotic pashas, you have despotic kings, emperors,, millionaires, Ministers, parties. Tho inconsistency of violence as a means of communion between men, its incompatibility with tho demands of contemporary conscience, is too obvious for tho existing order to ho able to continue. But external conditions cannot change without a change in tho inner spiritual condition of men. Therefore, all Hie efforts of men should bo directed towards the accomplishment of this inner alteration. What is necessary for this? One thing first of all—tho removal of those obstacles which prevent men from understanding their position and from accepting those religious principles which already vaguely livo in their consciousness. These obstacles in our time aro twofold—tho Church error and tho scientific error

Tho first consists in this, that men ana persuaded by those for whom it is advantageous, that religion, in ordet to servo as an answer to tho chief vital questions of mankind, and as a guidance for life—in order, in short, to he relieion, shonld ho connected with mysticism, sacerdotalism, miracles, ritualism, and public worship. The second, the scientific error, consists in this, that tho men to whom this is advantageous, inculcate into tho majority the idea that religion in general is a survival of old times and that in our time it may bo whoUy replaced by tho study of the laws of lifo and by general rules of conduct deduced out of argument and experience. The error of the Church people is that, instead of an explanation of the moaning of life, they put _ forward a “revealed” teaching in disagreement with contemporary knowledge, and, instead of a guidance for conduct, they give a series of rules and ceremonies unconnected with real life. Tho error of men of science consists in their regarding as completely superfluous the metaphysics of religion, i.c,, tho explanation of tho meaning of life, imagining that a guidance for conduct is possible without a religious metaphysical foundation. The Church people think and assert that tho religion in which they can no longer believe themselves may be useful for the people; whereas men of science think and assert that religion—that through which mankind has lived, is living and may further progress—is the remnant of a superstition which should be relinquished, and that men can bo guided by imaginary laws deduced from tho imaginary science of sociology. It is these men, especially the latter, calling themselves mem of science, who constitute in our transition time the chief obstacle to the entrance of mankind into that degree of inner consciousness and external organisation which is nroper to its ago. r Tho so-called men of science aro esnecialty pernicious because tho error of tho Church priesthood has had time to manifest itself in such a vivid and men-

strous way that tho majority of men do not believe in ic, and. if they hold to tho Church teaching, it is only ms a tradition, a custom, a propriety, from which they are becoming more and more free. But the scientific .superstition is now hi its full force, and men who have freed themselves from tho error of the Church and regard themselves as free are, unconsciously, completely under tho power of this new scientific Church. Tho propagators of this teaching strenuously endeavour, on the one hand, to distract men from the most essential religious questions, directing their attention to various trifles such as the origin of tho species, the investigation of the elements of the stars, of the properties of radium, of tho theory of numbers, of antediluvian animals, and other such unnecessary trivialities, ascribing to these a similar importance to that which tho priests of old used to ascribe to the Immaculate Conception. tho two-fold nature, cte. On the other hand, they endeavour to inculcate tho idea that religion, i. 0., tho establishment of man’s relation to tho Universe and its source, is not at all necessary, that a high-flown collection of words about law and morality, about an artificial, impossible, science of sociology—can completely replace religion. These man. like tho churchmen, assure themselves „ncl others that they aro saving mankind, similarly too they believe in their infallibility, and similarly they aro never agreed among themselves, but cro split tip into innumerable schools, nnd like the Churches in their time, constitute in our time iho chief cause of tho ignorance, coarseness, and dcpiavity of mankind, and therefore of the 'postponement of the emancipation of mankind from tho evils from which it suffer?, and tho vicious circle in which it goes round. These men have done what tho builders did who aro mentioned in the Bibic: they rejected the stone which always has boon and will bo tho head-stone of tho corner; they have rejected that which alone can gather mankind into one—its religious consciousness.

And from this proceeds that vicious circle—the substitution of one evil for another—in which Christian humanity of our time is aimlessly turning. Men bero f t of tho highest human capacity, that of religious consciousness, whether they accept tho Church teaching consisting of superstitions, or tho obscure, diffuse, and unnecessary scientific arguments giving yet less strength of activity independent of men’s commands than do even tho Church superstitions —-are unable not only to overthrow tho existing order, but cannot, however they may desire, in any degree improve tho position of men, and approach towards the ideals of enuality, freedom, and brotherhood which they would like to realise. They have not the power to do this. Eternal ideals can bo realised only by those who live not only this life but tho eternal life. Only for such people is that possible which for those who live only this life appears a sacrifice. Only by the sacrifice of tho goods of this life docs humanity progress. And sacrifice is possible only for a man who is religious, i.e., for ono who regards his life in the world merely as a part, as a manifestation of the general lifo of tho universe, which therefore should submit itself to the demands, to tho laws of this universal life. Whereas for the man who regards this lifo as all his life such a sacrifice has no sense, and not having tho power to sacrifice himself ho cannot destroy or diminish the evil of lifo. He will but continually remove this evil from ono ’place to another, hut there will bo no power to abolish it. Therefore the deliverance of men from tho evils they suffer is possible only by tho spreading amongst nations of that ono true (for our time highest) religious teaching, tho vague consciousness of which already lives in men. Until tho time when a universal, rational, religious teaching; corresponding to tho ago of mankind, shall be assimilated by mankind as religions toa/chings are always assimilated—by some, tho minority, consciously and freely, by others, tho majority, by faith, confidence, and suggestion—until then, tho forms of life will change, but tho evils of lifo will not only remain the same, but will continually increase. And such a religious teaching has been for long in existence, and is already vaguely recognised by tho majority of men of our society. This teaching is tho universally known and universally recognised Christian teaching in its true meaning, freed from distortions and misconstructions. This teaching in its essential ethical, as well as metaphysical foundations is recognised by every one, not only by Christians, but by those of other faiths, since it completely corresponds with all the great religious teachings of tho world in their undistorhed condition, with Brahmanism, Confusianism, Taoism. Judaism, Mahomedanism, Swedenborgianism, Spiritualism, Theosophy, and oven the Positivism of Comte. Tho essence of this teaching consists in this—that man is a spiritual being, similar to his source, God —that the vocation of man is tho fulfilment of the will of this source, God—that the will of God is the welfare of men—that tho welfare of men. is attained by love; and that love is manifested by one’s doing unto others what ono wishes others to do unto him. In this is all tho teaching.

This teaching is not a mythical revelation about supernatural manifestations of the Godhead and dogmas and ordinances as the Christian Churches assert; nor is it merely a moral teaching about a harmonious, generally advantageous and rational social life, as non-religious people understand Christianity. This teaching is a rational explanation of human life, one in which the guidance of conduct is not ordained by rules from outside, hut naturally flows from the meaning which man ascribes to his life. This teaching—although nob recognising anything supernatural, as Churches have wrongly represented it as doing—is neither, on the other hand, a menial guidance to social life as non-religious scientists imagine. This teaching is religion—i.e., the establishment of man’s relation to the universe and its origin. This teaching gives an answer to the questions, what is man in relation to the infinity of space and time in which he appears, and what is the object of his life, and therefore it gives men who recognise this teaching, not a series of rules and commandments corroborated by supernatural miracles, as does the Church, nor doubtful and expedient rules, conditional and temporarily advantageous for social life, arguments deduced from experience, as does science, but gives a rational explanation of the meaning of the life of every man, from which naturally flow eternal rules of conduct, the same in all conditions. In tliis, the true Christian teaching differs from the Church-Christianity with its mysticism and miracles, and from that utilitarian and utterly unfounded moral teaching of non-religious men who, without themselves remarking

it, take from that Christian leaching which they do not recognise merely the implications and not the essence itself. Until this teaching, not in its distorted (ecclesiastical) state, and not bereft of its chief foundation—tho metaphysical principle of man’s relation to God—until this teaching is recognised in its true meaning by men of tho Christian world, and until it is spread amongst all, as the Church faith is now spread—until then, there can he no change in those various forms, especially of governmental violence, from which men suffer most to-day. What measures, then, should bo taken for this purpose? W'o have become so accustomed to tho false idea that the improvement of the life of men can be attained by external (and in most cases compulsory) moans, that wo also think that tho alteration of men’s inner state can be attained only by external measures brought to bear on others. But this is not so. .And it is well for men that it is not so. If it were otherwise, and men could by external means change each other, then first, irrational, light-minded people might alter men in a mistaken way, injuring them and depriving them of thoir welfare; and, secondly, an activity of this kind for the attainment of the welfare of life by external means might meet insurmountable obstacles. But this is not.so. Tho alteration of tho inner spiritual state of men is always within tho power of'every separate map, and man can always infallibly know in what consists tho true welfare of himself and of all men, and nothing can stop or keep back his activity in tho attainment of this aim. Man attains this aim—his own and other men’s welfare—only through tho inner alteration of himself, by elucidating and strengthening in himself a. rational religious consciousness and then ordering his own lifo conformably to this understanding of life. As only a burning material can ignite other material, eo also only tho true faith and life of ono man, being communicated to other men, can spread and confirm religious truth. And it is only tho spreading and. confirmation of religious truth which improves tho position of men.

And therefore the moans of deliverance from all those evils from which men suffer, including that deadful evil which is committed by Governments (such as all tho present calamities in Russia) lies—however strange it may seem—only in ono thing, the inner work of each man upon himself. “Martha! Martha, thou art anxious and troubled about many things, hut one thing is needful.”

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Bibliographic details

New Zealand Times, Volume XXVII, Issue 5731, 28 October 1905, Page 13

Word Count
4,984

THE ONE THING NEEDFUL. New Zealand Times, Volume XXVII, Issue 5731, 28 October 1905, Page 13

THE ONE THING NEEDFUL. New Zealand Times, Volume XXVII, Issue 5731, 28 October 1905, Page 13