TOPICS OF THE DAY.
Having dealt with the broad issue of license versus prombitiou
the reduction or HOiEis.
in our issue of Saturday last, it may be well to add a few words on tho “roduction” vote, for the benefit of those auti-prohi-
,bitionists who may have an idea that a good purpose would bo served by their voting at tho local option poll to-morrow in favour of tho number of licenses being reduced. This issue is quite a superfluous ono : for in a country where population and. prosperity are growing so rapidly as they aro in New 'Zealand, and where tho law does not allow of any increase in the number of licensed houses, a process of reduction is going on automatically, as every year the proportion of hotels to population is becoming smaller. Already, in tho city of Wellington, tho hotel accommodation is insufficient for tho requirements of residents and travellers. Enlargement and rebuilding are going on . as speedily as possible, but they hardly keep pace with the growing demand. In tho circumstances it is clear that a sudden reduction in the number of houses Would result in great inconvenience to the public and in tending to create a closer monopoly of tbe business of hotelkeeping. Surely neither result is desirable, especially in view of the fact that reduction would mean spoliation and hardship to the owners of the houses that would he closed and to those thrown out of employment. At the present time Wellington has a smaller number of licensed houses than any other New Zealand city of similar size; and it would be a mistake were she to advertise her poverty and her puritamsm by decreeing a redaction in the number of hotels Some electors, no doubt conscientiously believe that there are old and unsuitable bouses that would be better closed ;/but it is impossible to see any grounds, in morality or equity,
for depriving these houses of their license. The law lias provided n. means of getting rid of hotels that do not come up to the required standard, hy giving the Licensing Committees power to order their re-erection or improvement, and the proper course is to see that the committees discharge their duty in the matter, with a duo regard to tin rights of the public on tho one hann and of tho publican on the other. It cannot he said that the Newtown, Unit or Otald electoral districts have a superabundant supply of hotels; as a matter of fact, tho number is beneath the average of other districts, and there is therefore no reasons why moderate electors should wish to see 'the number further reduced. Owners of obsolete buildings must be compelled to bring them up-to-date in tho matters of accommodation and comfort; and if they sco public opinion behind them they will recognise it to ho in their own interest to do this at the earliest possible moment . The proper and common sense course to ho pursued by people who arc fair-minded and opposed to the violent methods of prohibitionists is, therefore, to vote for the continuance of licenses as at present.
The prohibition party has taken tho extraordinary course of pub-
CATHOLICS AND riiOHicmoN.
hsiiuig au appeal to uie Catholic electors of .New Zealand, which purports to
emanate from a bather Hays who addresses his communication from an obscure town in Lincolnshire, England. Members of the Catho.'c Chiarch, who know perfectly well whore to look for authoritative direction in matters of duty, do not require any answer to the impertinent and unauthorised action of an unknown priest; but other electors who may ho misled by tho “appeal,” ought by all means to read tho reply to it which appears in our advertising oolwmus to-day. Asa matter of fact, tho Catholic Church has never sanctioned prohibition in any form, and its prelates haverepeatodly directed their hocks to employ only moral and religious methods in combatting moral evils. A letter front Bishop Grimes, ot Christchurch, which has just been widely published, explains correctly the attitude of all the heads of tho Catholic Church. Writing to Father O’Donnell, of Ashburton, the Bishop of tho diocese says: —“I cordially approve of your decision to givo your devoted flock timely auvice as to their duty in the forthcoming election”; and he proceeds to state lus views on tho licensing as follows:—“1. That, to brand, with me stigma of drunkenness, tho youth of New Zealand, were a gross libel on tho generality of the youth, and a grievous wrong to our fair colony 2. that uo mere Act of Parliament will over succeed in making a nation sober. 3. that prohibition, despite its inquisitorial and statutory penalties, can never effectually prohibit. 4. That it was sheer folly to think that tho intemperate language and violent methods pf faddists or political agitators can bring about any real or lasting reform unless tho moral aspect thereof ho based upon a thoroughly religious principle—a religious principle well known to, and tolled upon by our clergy and people. Finally.—No matter how plausible tho plea, never is it allowable to attempt the redressing of one wrong by tho infliction of another no less grave.’ Such is the direction which every Catholic pielato and priest in full standing would bo bound to give to his flock, and electors are, therefore, justified in ignoring ns a device of tho enemy tho alleged message from an English priest which the prohibitionists are publishing.
Mr Pirani has done many things political in his time, but we
CORRUPTION, CREDIT AND CRITICISM.
doubt if ho has over done anything so curious as tho two things by which his proseilt candidature is distinguished. Tho first cf
theso was an unqualified refutation of tho whole body of charges put forward against tho Government by Mr I jram'3 political friends of corrupting the legislature. This unexpected assistance irom tho most uncompromising of their opponents must have astonished tho various members of the Government. At /the same time, it cannot but have gratified thorn to hear Mr Pirani telling the electors of Petono that Ministers never favour their friends in the matter of roadd and bridges and little things of that kind. Speaking, in fact, as the naughty boy of tho school, he proclaimed that ho had got moro lollies from the master in charge of theso attractions than any of tho others —more even than his opponent, the other hoy, who ha.d always been" so good and faithful. It is a statement which Mr Wilford has not endorsed, and probably will not endorse, to tho full measure of the comparison so favourable to tho naughty hoy. The spirit, moreover, in which this declaration was made may meet with some question, here and there. But, whatever his opponent may think of Mr Pirani’s allegedly superior power of •suction, or whatever anybody els© may regard as Mr Pirani’s .motive in making the allegation ho did, the fact remains that Mr Pirani has specially exonerated the Government from the serious charge of corrupting the House, which is the staple topic of every Opposition address reported during tho last six weeks. Ihe Hon T. Hislop and Mr Atkinson have several times become purple with indignation at what one of them called tho political profligacy of Mr Luke; and what they think now that their friend Mr Pirani has proved such profligacy to ho impossible, it woilld be interesting to hear. At all events', Mr Pirani deserves the thanks of the Liberal party for his demonstration of tho virtue of its chiefs.
For the second of his remarkable feats we cannot offer Mr Pirani
AN UNFAin course.
quite tho same measure of approval. He read a letter at ono of his meetings which he had a perfect
right to read. The letter having been before the Public Accounts Committee, was public property, and, therefore, Mr Pirani’s. , But it was not Mr Pirani’s to do as he liked with. Ho simply read : t, together with a Treasury memoraudum at tho back of it, m order to suggest the idea that the Colonial Treasurer and Premier is so careless of the-public credit that he does not arrange for the punctual payment of the public obligations in London. That is one of Mr Pirani’s reasons for requesting the Hutt electorate to discard the supporter of a Government which he says is not corrupt. The device is, of course, transparent enough. The public is invited t > regard tho Government as careless of the public credit, firstly, because an officer of the Audit Department in London has written to the chief of the department in Wellington on the subject of delays in tho receipt of bank, drafts from tbe colony, and recommended the practice of overdrawing in London for the purpose of getting over these temporary troubles; and secondly, because when this loTter was sent—we are to presume from the alarmed Audi-
tor-General—to tho Treasury it came back from that callous department with tho laconic legend of “scon and noted” —only tfiat and nothing more. Now, taking the second of tnese counts first, the fact happens to he that tho audit officer in Loudon is also an officer of the Agcnt-Geiioral’s department, and had raised tho question with tho Treasury, which had already dealt with it, so far a.s it could, before receiving tho letter forwarded by the Auditor-General. Hence there was no need for any further notice of that document than the brief one accorded. .-Vs Mr Pi rani appears to know everything kuowablo in polities, ho ought to narC known this. ,
Tho other count raises tho question of the public credit itself. It
SOME QUESTIONS FOII am pihani.
mu jjuujiu at'uiu ii is, in fact, a suggestion that through tho conduct of the present Government tho public credit is a little difficult to keep up.
Fortunately, the country is in tho bast condition financially; but that does not palliate tbo conduct of Mr Pirani in attacking the Government through tho credit of the country. Of course no ouo has ever heard of a single moment's delay in the payment of a_ single item, and in the absence of specific instances of such a thing it is idle to talk about diminution of tho public credit. The question then arises—What was the end of this episode of which the- letter quoted by Mr Pirani was evidently only the beginning? An experienced and trust-, worthy officer asked the Auditor-General to permit an overdraft cf imprest, for meeting temporary difficulties of detail to which even tho best financial systems aro liable. Did the Auditor-General givo the necessary permission; and it not, why not? As Mr Pirani seems to know so very much about these matters, ptrhaps he will answer that question. Ho really ought to, as tho question grows out of tho course ho has thought proper to pursue. Did anybody do anything? What was 1.0110 under tho old system, in the Fitz Gerald days when ordinary emergencies, such as‘caused Mr Palliser’s letter to bo writ{■■nil arose? In this Quite usual lion, what has the Treasury boon allowed until now by the audit to do, for protection of tbo public credit. V\ G invito Mr Pirani to answer those questions In tbo plenitude of bis knowledge tho answers must ho already formulated. They do not exhaust the list, however. There is just qno more. Why, in introducing tho subject by a. letter and insiuuatory accompaniments, did Mr Pirani not givo tho whole story? To this question tho electors aro entitled to a full answer. «hen two departments fall out about trifles, tbo partisans of one side ought not to seek political capital in a cry that the public credit is in danger.
As so much lias heen made, and most unfairly so, of the Pro-
the rßEiriEii’s PAI’AWAI SPEECH.
inier’s speech at Papawai, wo give prominence to the following letter sent to us by Mr Henry A. Cowper:— “As one of tho press re-
proseutatives at tho native gathering at Papawai, I emphatically contradict the distorted interpretation of the speech delivered by tho Premier on that occasion, which Ids opponents are using with persistent malignity up to tho eye of tho general election. With rank dishonesty, they have mixed tho words of Wi Pereywith Mr Soddon’s utterance in order to( create a pretext for casting unmerited odium on tho Prime Minister of this colony. Mr Scddon was addressing himself entirely to natives, who regarded the meeting as one of moro than ordinary importance. The Premier had in his mind the keen disappointment felt by tbo MSoris at being excluded from giving practical exhibition of their loyalty by sharing in the South African campaign equally with _ tboir white fellow-subjects of the King. In ' The course of bis speech, therefore, the PremieVs aim was to soothe their wounded sensibilities 1 by paying a generous tribute to tho traditional prowess of their race and those splendid qualities in bush-lighting and scouting which our troops could not despise. Wi Pero followed tbo Premier, and, looking up my report as it appeared in the paper I represented, I find that chief credited with saying tiiat too much leniency ’was shown the Boers, that tho Maoris had a bettor' way of dealing with their enemies so than they never troubled them again. Everyone familiar with native customs is aware that a florid stylo of oratory must bo adopted at native assemblages as appealing best to their imagination and being most gratifying to their ■ self-esteem. In tins respect, Mr Scddon only followed tho usual course observed by all responsible men who have official intercourse with spirited dark races in ; this and other lands. It is preposterous to insinuate that the Prime Minister of Now Zealand advocated savage methods of warfare in South Africa; and it is equally ridiculous to twist Jiis complimentary language or tlio native rhetoric of Wi Pero into a bloodthirsty desire for tho cannibalistic riddance, of our prisoners of tho veldt. Both attempts are a wicked libel on tho head of-pur Government and a calumny on tlio chivalrous, intelligent, present-day Maori people.” This fully agrees with our own .report, with which Mr Seddon lias never found fault, die has questioned tho misleading summaries of it published elsewhere.
In one of his Auckland speeches the Premier touched upon a imperial theme ■ which is causing TEADINO-, economists not a little oonkelatioks: cem. When in England ho told tho people there that it was their duty to their fellowsubjects in the outlying portions of the Empire to draw as ranch as possible of their supplies from the colonies; "and no sooner had he stepped ashore in this country than he avowed that the object of New Zealanders ought to bo to bring every available acre of land under cultivation, so that (the supplies not required for ourselves might be sent to the Homo Country. Tho Premier will doubtless take another opportunity of enlarging upon this question, as it is one to which too much attention cannot be given, and it is one that, from an Imperialistic view-point, must take precedence of all others. New Zealand displayed in a practical way her loyalty to the Mother Country during the late war; she must now, in peace, continue her efforts, hy the cultivation of closer trade relations. If Mr Soddon had been able to carry his point at the Imperial Conference, a holder step would have been taken towards his ideal, the establishment of a Customs Union within the Umpire upon a reciprocal basis. “Why not have freetrade within tho Empire,” Mr Scddon asked, “and protection against the world?” The question is one which staggered the Manchester school. The rash daring of tho Premier in tilting at their pet theory of universal freetrade startled them almost out of speech, and had it •mt been for an inconclusive argument about the cue hundred and s-'xty rail'ions of sovereigns, tbiey would have been unable to discover a joint in tho Premier’s armour. Mr Scddon has no doubt a profound regam for the com-mon-sense and insight which charac-
terised Bright and Cobdcn, but tho conditions of the world’s commerce have changed since their day, and men who have had occasion to closely study this subject arc satisfied that, were the champiof.is of frectrado alive to-day, they would have urged a modification of Great Britain’s fiscal policy in the direction towards which colonial states men arc now working.
Xu this country the people aro neither
COLOMAL TARIFFS
rabid freetraders nor rabid protectionists. Some politicians, for the' sake of
rounding off a sentence j or perhaps for tlxo purpose of tickling the paiates of their audiences, speak grandiloquently about a ‘nice breakfast table’'; but the phrase in this country is without point, and practically it has no purpose. In few countries is the food of the people freer from taxation than in this, and it is doubtful whether tiio working classes of freetrader Great uriCain hare as free a breakfast table as those of Now Zealand. However, we nave adopted a policy in raising revenue and protecting industries by Customs duties that is best suited to our circumstances and our needs. It is not that our pooplo are averse to freetrado or devoted to protection that certain commodities aro admitted free and others aro taxed. Our national requirements aro best served by a Customs tariff which yields two millions annually. Many people at Home are now considering whether it would bo unwise for Great Britain to impose certain duties upon foreign imports, and not a few, formerly freetraders, aro advocating the adoption of such a tariff as would allow of preferential treatment being accorded to the products of British subjects abroad. Like Mr Soddon, leading manufacturers aro confident that a preferential tariff embracing all parts of the Empire could bo established without affecting detrimentally Groat Britain’s trade relations with foreign countries. That British requirements should bo mot, ns far as they can be, by British subjects in all lauds is now the ideal condition in Imperial trade which many prominent men in the Empire are seeking to attain, and it cannot bo denied that while at Homo Mr Sodden did much to promote its realisation.
Although British freetraders denounce ■ the so-called protective)
FREETRADERS WEAKENING.
3 tariffs of the Empire’s o-er-sca possessions, they
are exhibiting evidences of vacillation. While against preferential tariffs, tho freetraders of the Cobduu Club presented a gold medal to Sir Wilfrid Laurier because ho was tho pioneer in tho movement for Imperials commercial union, although its institution led to tho imposition by Canada of higheri duties against tho manufactures of the United States. 'lids act on the part of tho Dominion was tho strongest evidence of its attachment to Groat Britain, hut if freetraders had had their way the Customs duties between Canada and tho United States would have been abolished. For raising tho trade barriers higher, Sir W’ilfrid Laurier was rewarded by the,advocates of universal freotrado. Again, it was tho,freetraders who instituted commercial with European countries, under which it was agreed that their produce or manufactures should be admitted into iiritish colonies on tho same terms as the produce and manufactures of Great Britain; but when Sir Wilfrid’s action led to the denunciation of such treaties, as far as Germany and Belgium were concerned, I *ho was greeted with cheers and duly honoured. It is surely about time that Britisli statesmen seriously considered how far they ought to retaliate against those countries which, while trading with Britisli colonies on equal i terms with British manufacturers, will, not allow the producers of Great Britain or of her over-sea possessions to trade with them and their colonies on similar terms. Tho industrial progress of America has drawn millions of British operatives to the United Staves, and while Great Britain’s trade with foreign countries, as Sir Guilford Molosworth observes, has increased by one million sterling per annum in tho past ten years, that of the United States has increased by eighty-five millions. Five years ago there camo to this country only two thousand pounds’ worth of American boots, last year wo imported boots to the value of £50,000, and trade with tho United States lias boon always "unfavourable ” to Now, Zealand: While wo may bo expected to lovo our neighbours as ourselves, we, are not called upon to make sacrifices to their advantage, and so tho policy of preferential tariffs within tho Empire will come to he regarded as not necessarily detri-* mental to ’ other nations' yet beneficial to ourselves. Mr Sodden is right whoa he observes that the dangers likely to emanate frofci such a course only exist in tho imaginations of theorists.
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Times, Volume LXXII, Issue 4819, 24 November 1902, Page 4
Word Count
3,440TOPICS OF THE DAY. New Zealand Times, Volume LXXII, Issue 4819, 24 November 1902, Page 4
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