The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHER DAILY). SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1882.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIX, Issue 6694, 30 September 1882, Page 2

The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHER DAILY). SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1882.

It is very difficult to form, out of the cable messages, any clear idea of the line along which diplomatic action for the future settlement of Egypt will definitely proceed. The Khedive is reported to have issued a proclamation to the effect that he has assurances that Britain does not contemplate annexation. Viewed from a certain standpoint, that might be held to dispose of the question, but its value must be determined by other significant items of information, as well as by the existing military situation. There is no getting over the fact that the country is now subject to the control of British arms; and this has been sufficiently emphasized by the prompt announcement that no one concerned in the rebellion should be subjected to any punishment except with the concurrence of England. An early intimation of such over-riding authority was, it is true, necessary to prevent any resort to party revenge to which the Oriental nature is proverbially prone, but it was at the same tim‘e intended to place beyond the region of doubt the point that, while the warlike measures resorted to by England for suppressing the revolt were taken in the Khedive’s name, his will is not therefore supreme. In a similar; way the decree issued in his name declaring that all officials whp have taken part or been implicated in the rebellion shall be tried by court martial, is accompanied by the significant statement that the Court shall be in part composed of British officers, as also by an act o£ leniency, competent only for the victor to execute that of liberating all prisoners below; the rank of colonel. These circumstances sufficiently i attest • the merely ' nominal character - of ] the Khedive’s’ authority, and that .England regards the power of maintaining order and administering justice, as well as the affairs of the country, generally, as pro tempore vested in her representatives. Were she at| this juncture wholly to withdraw her restraining and directing power,- the Khedive’s authority, such as it is, would vanish in a moment, his person would again be in danger, and anarchy would once more run riot in the land. Thus far she holds the key of the whole position, and is virtually the dictator of Egypt’s destiny. When, however, wo look beyond the military and administrative situation uncertainty, : is more or;less, stamped upon the prospect. The intentions of the Gladstone Government are, to a, certain extent, outlined: in the proposal that the Commission to conduct the trial of Aeabi and his officers shall be composed of j four members representing countries not engaged in the war, three Egyptian officers and one English officer. ; This indicates a wish to secure the concurrence of the European Powers in the ultimate disposal of the Egyptian question, but the proposal seems to implythe eleraentsof misunderstanding and possible strife, and therefore to be impracticable. The questions are at once raised as to what Powers are to be represented on the Commission and who is to take , the initiative in the selection. , Judged by . their relative importance, Germany,j Aus-« tria, France, and Russia are the four who have the strongest, claims to a. voice in the decisions of the proposed tribunal ; but it is doubtful whether Turkey and Italy would not regard such a recognition as a slight passed on them, and so resent it as to induce some of these Poweis to decline the responsibility. And should any of them, on such grounds, decline to act, the probabilityis tlia’ all of them would find some excuse for keeping aloof from the possible in which the accepting of such a position might involve them. The Sultan will no doubt, in virtue of his assumed suzerainty, demand to have a| say in the matter of Egypt’s future.; but, after all that has transpired to, justify a belief in his complicity with |Ababi, this is precisely what England,j from a respect to her own honor and • safety, will now be bound, to resist. The Porte may, as the telegrams it has done, signify its wish that the I British forces should be now withdrawn, on the ground that the rebellion is over, but the decision on that point must obviously rest solely with the British Government.^ and it has already been practically given in the intimation that tiiese forces will remain until the attitude of the European Powers towards the future Government of the country has been determined. What that attitude may he is the probleb now awaiting solu tion, but until it is solved England must hold her grip -firmly on the territory which she has delivered from anarchy and murder. And ! happen what may, that grip will not be soon relaxed, if relaxed at all. The sullen demeanour of a portion of the Native population renders this a necessity, political considerations altogether ap’art. and the political Situation is so complicated that the upshot is likelyi to he that the other Powers of Europe, from sheer inability to come, to a common understanding, will leave England to settle the future of Egypt alone, precisely as they left her.

single-handed* to suppress the rebel-, lion. The force of events cannot be resisted, and however much! disposed Mr Gladstone may be to consult the European concert, or however anxious the countries forming that cor cert maybe to settle the question otherwise, no other solution seems politically possible. This means proximately an English protectorate over Egypt, and, ultimately, annexation.