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The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY). SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1882.

The crisis in Egypt has now reached that stage when the British nation must let their voice be unmistakably heard on the question of its future relation to that country. Already signs are not wanting to show that the settlement of this question cannot with safety be entrusted to their Government. The manifesto of Mr Gladstone in his article in the “Nineteenth Century,” to which we drew attention a few days ago, ominously indicates the solution of the problem to which his predilections incline him, and in favor of which he is desirous to secure public approbation. His aim, apparently, is to prepare the way for the gravest dereliction of duty a servant of the Crown can be guilty of—that of sacrificing national interests to the necessities of party. As is well known, the Radical portion of his followers, with Mr Bkight at their head, declined to remain in conceit with him so soon as he resolved to resort to force for the suppression of rebellion in the dominions of the Khedive. The estrangement was, doubtless, to him a source of bitter pain, but he had the option of either parting with them or parting with the reins of power, for he knew the nation to be then in a mood that would tolerate no trifling with a great emergency. It was, moreover, the perception of the dilemma in which their quandam leader was thus placed that induced the more moderate members of the Radical section to modify their convictions in deference to party considerations, and yield him the re- | quisite measure of support to the undertakings of war. But now the war is virtually over, and the consequent disposal of the territory of the Nile is about to become the subject of diplomatic negotiation, the question is re-opened as to the terms the re-adhesion of the Liberal party is to be secured on. It were idle to ignore the fact that there are not a few in that party whose opposition to the warlike measures taken for the restoration of order in Egypt would be exceeded by their hostility to England’s occupation of that country, either by annexation or by the establishing of a Protectorate. Of this Mr Gladstone is well aware, and the danger to the Empire at this stage is implied exactly in his great desire to conciliate those members of the House of Commons by whom such extreme views are held. If the course of action foreshadowed in his article already referred to is, as we believe it to be, designed to serve the purpose of such conciliation, then there will be nothing for it but to give him the choice once more of either abandoning his intention or surrendering his office. For the adoption of such a course simply means the referring the settlement of Egypt to a European conference, in which Turkey would play the part of a perplexing factor, and the placing the neutrality and security of the Suez Canal under the collective guarantee of all the Powers. Now this is precisely what the British people' in their present temper will not submit to, and for the very obvious reason that such a proposal offers violence to their sense of honor and justice. There is assuredly no good tangible ground on which the claims involved in such a proposal could be advanced by the Continental Powers of Europe, or could be entertained by England. In truth, all these Powers, without a solitary exception, have, in respect of all matters now relating to Egypt, put themselves quite out of Court. Their apathy and selfishness combined forced upon England the sole responsibility of repressing the anarchy prevailing in that land to the imperilling of the peace and commerce of the world. The Porte was entreated to undertake the restoration of order in that dependency, but, instead of consenting to this, all kinds of prevarication were resorted to, and the rebellion was virtually condoned. The Continental Courts, from sheer dread of being involved immediately or proximately in a disastrous war, declined either to put pressure on Turkey to fulfil her duty, or consent to any other Power or Powers accepting the task which Turkey evaded ; while, for a similar reason, France, which had hitherto acted jointly with England in the adminstration of Egyptian finances, wittdrewat the m«st critical moment, and left Britain to face alone not only the arduous and costly work of terminatinganarcby and massacre in Egypt, but also the risk of being involved in hostilities with some of the other Powers. It was, indeed, to such conduct on the part of the Sultan and of the European concert that the intensity of the lawlessness and ruffianism developed in Egypt was largely due; and to that also, beyond all question, is traceable the unwelcome expenditure of blood and treasure which was imposed on England. And, now that the gory task has been fulfilled, is it to be ! tolerated that the parties who threw all this toil upon their neighbor shall step in to claim a share in the fruits of it? That they should expect this is only in harmony with the selfishness which previously made them take care of themselves, but to concede it would be nothing short of ah act of suicide. Already, as recent telegrams show, have Russia and France been offering suggestions in the line of their peculiar interests, and Turkey is on the outlook for an opportunity of asserting her rights as they stood before Britain entered on the campaign; but the only answer which ought to be made to one and all of them, and which we trust will be given, is that their right now to be even consulted about Egypt’s future was forfeited by their previous abrogation of responsibility. Thai, we do not hesitate to affirm, is the answer which will be given by the people of England, and the Minister who declines, or even hesitates, to say it in their name, must make way for another who will. The first step towards a satisfactory solution of the problem of the future consists in England putting her foot firmly down and declaring that she will not allow those who acted the part of mere onlookers to have any say m the final settlement and disposal of Egypt.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZTIM18820923.2.7

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIX, Issue 6688, 23 September 1882, Page 2

Word Count
1,060

The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY). SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1882. New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIX, Issue 6688, 23 September 1882, Page 2

The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY). SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1882. New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIX, Issue 6688, 23 September 1882, Page 2