CURRENT TOPICS.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 1260, 23 April 1896, Page 34

CURRENT TOPICS.

SOME AUSTRALIAN PREMIERS. ®‘ What is a Premier ?” Tlio Democracy &nd its opponents often ask the question while looking over tho working of the democratic principle in self-governing Countries. Tho obvious answer is that in such countries tho Premier, who is tho first citizon occupying tho highest position in the power of his countrymen to bestow, is the real holder of power. The Sovereign or the Sovereign’s representative have, it is pretty clear, nothing but the semblance of power. On the other hand, it is said that they have tho monopoly of all tho finer courtesies which do, like divinity, hedge in a king. The distinction is not by nny means widely accepted. Put that it is acted upon in high places wo have evidenco in tho behaviour of tho Australian Premiers in the matter of the Brunner disaster. Tho Premiers of Victoria and South Australia, having more regard for human sympathy than for tho etiquette •which has its roots in courts, sent expressions of tho sympathy and condolence of their pooplo and themselves •very early in tho story of tho disaster. R’ho Governors of Queensland, Western Australia, Now South Wales and Tasmania havo, on tho other hand, all remained silent. If tho Governors of those colonies had sent messages of condolence on behalf of thoir colonies, wo could havo understood the silenco of tho loaders of thoir rosponsibly-advisory Cabinets. But thoir silence favours tho conclusion that these Premiers havo too littlo active human sympathy in their constitutions to have given any thought of any kind to tho Brunner disaster. They have not, it is perfectly clear, boon troubled with any question of precedence. Had that been tho case, they would havo urged their respective Governors to do the right ‘ thing. “ Stuud not upon tho order of your ■ going, but go at once,” is good advice. Those first citizens of great colonies have mended it into “ Stand not upon the order of your going, neither go at alt.” Their thoughtlessness is not commendable. CAPTAIN RUSSELL. Turn time we have him in tho appropriate character of Rip Van Winkle. In 1858 the Captain was last in Auckland ; about that period ho fell asleep: be awakened awhile ago, and lie wont to Auckland to rub his eyes and moralise. “In those days we had self-reliance,” he said dreamily ; “ now wo havo dependeneo on Government.” Ho cannot understand the degeneracy, except that it is in some vague way [connected with tho Government of Mr Sodden. But there need not he any difficulty in understanding the situation. When men relied upon themselves and paid no attention at all to Governments, the best soil of tho country passed into tho hands of the monopolists, and New Zealand became a sort of Ovine Republic. When tins democracy began to look into things, it insisted upon reform, and to ensure inform kept intelligent watch over the course of politics, and increased the responsibilities of accountable Governments.' Tho change is displeasing to, the Eip-Van-Wiuklo few, but to the progressing many it means a radical change for tho better in the essential conditions of life. The ostensible chief of the Rip Van Winkles has kindly told as all about it. We can now judge more clearly what tho politics of Rip Van Winkle and the National Association are. One other remarkablo thing there was about the Captain’s Auckland elf ox t. it was his expression of readiness to carry on tho Government policy, just as he finds it, in the improbable event of his ousting tho Government at tho general elections. Finance, with land’and income tax and aid to sinking funds, land legislations, labour laws, Labour Bureau, everything as it stands is to be carried on after the Conservative reaction. '‘Wo accept tho action of Parliament; wo recogniso accomplished facts.” Rip Van 'Winkle, having rubbed his eyes, sees that everything is good, i.c,, pleasing to tho electorates, and must be made to continue. Rip Van Winkle, in fact, is ready to put oil the clothes of the Liberal Government.

Yet a third remarkablo tiling was noticeable in the speech. The Captain said that tho Liberal Government had done “simply nothing” sincu its advent to power. That statement is peculiar in two ways. First, it was contradicted in ad-

vanco by the Rip-Van-Winkleist denunciation of the contrast between’AS and’iKi, which necessarily implied that tho side of ’!Ki represented a good deal of action. Secondly, it was contradicted subsequently by the expressed readiness of the chief of the Rip Vail Winkles to keep on doing everything tho Liberals are doing. Either the Captain is ready to go oil doing evil or t he Liberals have done a great deal of good. As Captain Russell is not the man to do evil deliberately, wo must congratulate him on his admission that tho Government has done really magnificent work. This admission goe3 to the root of one of tho Captain’s great points. He has made a claim that wo owe the franchise and the three years system to the Conservatives under Sir John Hall. That claim has been proved preposterous in every Liberal newspaper - in Now Zealand. The Captain has, however, made up for ills disiugenuousness by admitting that the Liberal chiefs have abundantly justified the use of tins franchise by tho Liberal Party, whoso members have trusted them so implicitly, and will trust them again. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. Cun I)it is tile life of commerce, because its limits are reasonable and never exceeded. Credit is also the death of the small trader, because its limits are unreasonable, and they are always exceeded. The Premier has frequently asked for tho abolition of imprisonment for debt. The reply made to him has boon invariably that the result would bo tlio destruction of tho system of credit. As nobody could recover, nobody would give credit, and tho state of that portion of tho population that falls into undeserved misfortune would bo terrible. The reply invariably made by the friends of the measure in question was that tiie abolition of credit would bo the best thing in tho world. ’Fills is denounced as both empirical and heartless. It is not heartless, for tho best of all possible reasons, viz., that men give credit to customers who are unfortunate because they believe in their ability to retrieve their position, or the soundness of the country which must bring the end of a depression, or by reason of reliance on honour and character ; not because tlio Jaw has tlio alternative arms of compulsory restitution or revengeful punishment. Tho abolition of imprisonment would in no way lessen tlio credit which is outside business lines. Therefore, it is not heartless to uphold a course which may abolish credit.

Neither is it empirical, first because tho credit which greases the wheels of legitimate commerce is in no way dependent on sentences of imprisonment; tho great principles of trade can very well lie left to themselves; secondly, tho only system of credit which would he abolished would b,; (lie. system which is bad. Undue credit is tic; opposite of the quality of mercy, lor it curses both him that gives

and him that receives, the former sometime.? with demoralisation, the latter with heavy charges. Take tho case of tho farmer, who, depending on his crops, mortgages his produce, and repeal.-; tie; process from year to year, until between interest and compound interest and com-

mission ho lias to abandon hi.; property and begin life anew. It would be belter for him to have no credit of that kind. ’Take tho case of a small tradesman obliged to keep to the reasonable system of commercial credit, which gives him a reasonable time to pay for his goods. He would be the better for not giving bis customers an unreasonable time to pay him. But he cannot change until tlio practice of reasonable creditor cash payments is general. In this department long credit keeps the buyers poor, and prevents the sellers from becoming rich, it is, indeed, time it were abolished.

THE EUROPEAN CONCERT. luf: contrast between the Armenian fog j and tho clearness of the situation in j Egypt is very suggestive, in Armenia tens of thousands were allowed to bn murdered because, no Power dared move a toive. in Egypt a strong expedition moves I out avowedly for tho extension of what, is j practically Brili.,h rule towards Equatorial j Africa, and the permission of Europe is given with smiles. Germany smiled from the first in spite of the Transvaal ; Italy did because of tho relief of presanro from Dervish attacks; Austria, like Germany, sympathised with the

third and poorest member of the Triple Alliance ; Russia, after pretending to snarl at the financial arrangements in Cairo, formally approved them; the Foreign Minister of Franco protested, apologised and resigned broken ; the Sultan, who stood out longest, has just condescended to learn on British authority that tho Mahomcdnns, against whom His Majesty’s subjects are about to light in tho Soudan, are, heretics ; and therefore lie is good enough to permit tho expedition to go forth ; lie gets at the same timo a sop from France in the application of the boycott to the literature of the Young Turkey Party. Nothing could be more complete than tho European concert’s approval of the British forward policy in tho Soudan. What is the object of all this diplomacy ? That there must have been a good deal of diplomacy goes without saying, because all those European decisions cannot bo regarded as fortuitous. They are the result of some plan. Not very long ago tlio attitude of Russia on tlio Egyptian question was menacing, and Franco rejoiced. That was when Lord Salisbury nailed bis colours to tho mast at the Guildhall, and threatened the unspeakable Turk with various pains and penalties. Not long after tho Russian menace Lord Salisbury took his Colours down; a decent time elapsed ; and Russia became cordial about Egypt. As every other Power did the same, the only main sign of tho situation is that England has a free hand in Egypt, and all the parts of Africa pertaining thereto. So much is, most observers will conclude, evident. They will also conclude that such a boon cannot have been granted for nothing. Tho equivalent can only bo in Turkey. Tho rebaptism of tlio son of tho Bulgarian ruler showed the world that Russia, had by no means abandoned hope of commanding influence in the Balkans. The announcement of the Prince’s visit to St. Petersburg, followed by the publication of the Czar’s request for tlio reinstatement of tbo Bulgarian officers who so scandalously betrayed Prince Alexander into his hands, strengthens that conclusion. In otherwords, the northern road to Constantinople must remain open to Russia. But the Armenian fiasco has proved that the southern road by the Black Sea must be open too, so open that no other Power is to bo allowed even to lookin that direction. Russia and Turkey have embraced and exchanged presents it is true. But they havo been doing those things as well as fighting all through tho last two centuries. Russian policy is to got to Constantinople by all methods, bayonets, embraces, diplomacy, presents, everything that will servo. That Russia has been given a free hand in this direction as an equivalent for tho British command of Egypt and tho extension of British influence in Africa we shall not be surprised to bear. MrCurzon said the other day in tho House of Commons that all the attempts of the past to help Turkey against Russia had been huge mistakes. In the new light that is being thrown on the point, can anyone doubt what that meant ?

THE IN L’ERCOLONiAL FOURS. By far tho most important point in the story of the recent reconsideration is the rejection of the hostile resolution by tho substantial majority of L'7 in a total vote of 55. Nor is that all, because a large proportion of the minority of 14 voted against their convictions in order to obey instructions. This aspect of the question was very strongly accentuated by Mr McKinnon, the delegate of Port Chalmers, who calmly admitted that it looked as if tho Queen’s Drive crew, having been debarred, wanted to debar any other crew from going. Now, Mr McKinnon was the mover 01. llie dictatorial and insufferable) resolution to decline to send a crew at all unless Use New booth Wales people withdrew their amateur definition at our demand. it is evident that the pressure Ids duty put upon him was enormous. As he was not singular, no one need lie much exercised over tho fact that the minority was even as numerous as 14. ’The voting, then, allowance being made for this consideration, was practically unanimous. It is a sign that sportmausliip is truly and properly' understood among us. Tho decision of tho delegates was manly and much to be commended. The objectors made some severe remarks about the Selection Committee. That was

only to b 9 expected. We may feel astonished, however, that any club should have gone so far as to ask that the decision of tho committee should have been put aside. The result will, however, convince all who took part in such an agitation that it is tho honourable and proper course to sustain the committees duly appointed after proper consideration, and placed in a position of honour and responsibility. A selection committee, it maybe taken for granted, knows more about the merits of the case before it than any single club or than any individual of tho many whom its decisions have to satisfy. It is a powerful factor that the more people there are who are dissatisfied the more likely is the decision to be correct. Tho committee has all the data before them and all tho rest of the evidence, and is bound to be an impartial authority a thing not to be found amongst the whole body of tho critics of all colours and of no colour whatever. The decision, however, put all these considerations into tlio shade. 'Tho rowing mini of the Colony ought to uphold that decision with all tho loyalty it can muster. If the loyalty is not sufficient to save the honour of the Colony, then so much the worse for the rowing mind of New Zealand. But we feel sure that it will not be so much the worse for the rowing mind of New Zealand. Our young men havo, wo make no doubt, all flic loyalty and honour and true sense of sport which arc necessary to keep them in the path of good form. After the race is over, this question of the amateur definition will have to be fought out, of course. The sooner it is fought out tho better, and the more the merits are canvassed the better. It is, to put it plainly, a blot on tho reputation of these colonies that manual labour should be excluded from participation in amateur sport. The spirit of the time requires but two definitions, professional and amateur, and tho sooner the matter is understood on these lines the better.

A SEASONABLE OFFER. Mr Moon, of Ngahauranga, is evidently a man who, when philanthropy' is in question, has practical ideas of the shape philanthropy should take. His very practical idea is that tho best way to help men to make a living is to give them tho means of helping themselves. U'liat that idea is he published in our columns yesterday in a letter. “ I have,” lie said, “obtained my father’s consent to grant tho free, use of from 10 to 20 acres of his farm at Jolinsonvilla for a term of two or more years, upon conditions that sufficient capital can lie raised on co-operative principles to properly utilise the laud and employ a full complement of men.” That is a fair offer, well put, in every way feasible, and quite capable of being most beneficially' worked. The offer is made with a view to test the question raised by those who have advised Europeans to take the field of market gardening against the Chinamen who are working that field so profitably. That is a fair question to raise. Tho Anglo-Saxon can hold his own and more against the Chinaman. In all fields of labour lie has proved his superiority. As a navvy the Asiatic can not in any way compete with him. There is nothing in tho work of market gardening that should make any difference. There is no mystery in the art at all. Europeans have succeeded at it for generations. There is no conceivable reason why they should not succeed for generations to come. At Christchurch there are men who have taken to it seriously, and who are doing well at it, in spite of tho Chinese competition. Tho offer made so handsomely ought to lead to a grand opportunity. People aro fond of talking of what they are prepared to do. “ Hoiv much do you sympathise,” said tho Quaker at a meeting for tho relief of distress. “ I sympathise to the extent of a pound,” he said, and he put down his pound. When he added “ How much do you sympathise ?” tho meeting felt that ho had some right to talk in that way. Tbo talk on this occasion is not of that kind precisely. Tt is not a talk of chanty at all. It is an oiler to provide tlio needful, on condition that those who have raised the question shall also do their share, in order that men who aro out of work may make for themselves an independence. Tho oiler ought to III! accepted by those to whom it is addressed in the spirit in which it is made. Its acceptance will put a great question to the proof of experiment. The theories that are aired on public platforms are good

so far as they go. But if they never get any farther than the platforms what is the use uf them ? Hero is an offer to take them into practical life. We trust if will be accepted, if it is, we havo no doubt that tlio results will be so convincing that market gardening will become a grand resource tor tlio European element in our population. They will, moreover, show that the system of village settlements alluded to by the Premier the other day contain possibilities of the greatest moment.

TIIE LABOUR DEPUTATIONS. A vuky pleasant and very instructive evening was spent last week by two deputations which waited on the Premier. Tiie members of these deputations talked a good deal ; they laid before the Premier tho views of those who sent them; they covei ed the whole of every subject of importance on their list; and at the end of it all they discovered that the Premier understood the bearings of every subject a great deal better than they did themselves. Wo can point to Premiers who under the same circumstances would have behaved differently. They would have listened to the deputations with bated breath. In their replies they would have quoted many opinions of men who had written books, and their replies nevertheless would have meant nothing more than the old stereotyped answer of ministerial invertebracy to determined expres-

sion of legitimate requirement, viz, “ Wo shall koep things steadily in view.” The Conservative Mr Oliver made that answer historical on behalf of a Conservative Administration which never did anything for tho redress of popular grievances. But this was the usual fashion of receiving deputations until the Seddon Government began to receive deputations. Air Seddon has changed the vicious, decrepit, weakly old system by speaking his mind to deputations. Tho result is that he sends them away impressed with his sincerity and good sense. Of the two deputations, that from tho Trades Council fared the worse. It fared badly, in fact, because it chose to take up untenable ground. It actually wanted a law passed refusing gumdiggers’ licenses to every person not a British subject. All that it saidon the subject applies with equal force to goldmining, coalmining, timber falling, oyster dredging, prospecting, the ownership of land, and a thousand things beside. But is tho Trades Council ready to demand that every one not a British subject shall be refused miners’ rights, gold prospecting licenses, tho right of employment in a coalmine, tlio purchase or lease of a sawmill site, employment on farms, ships, every kind of employment possible ? Tlio Trades Council should noo take up a lino which confounds Asiatic and undesirable immigration with tho best European nationalities. The Council should be the lir.H to scout the idea that it wants to boycott Europe and limit the comity of nations. The Council, in asking for the refusal of gmndigging licenses to all foreigners, made a cardinal and deplorable mistake. It ought to thank the Premier for having, by a decided refusal and clear logical explanation, brought it back to practical ground. On the various subjects referred to by the deputation representing the unfederated unions the ITomier exhibited an intimate knowledge of all tho leading points, and shoved a disposition to do justico to all interests, while keeping within the line of practical politics, which has by this timo impressed tho country. Every man will applaud his outspoken determination to consult employers as well as employed on all questions affecting the relations of labour and capital. Tho reasons he has given for objecting to private benefit societies aio unanswerable, apart from all considerations pertaining to the relations between capital and labour. It is purely a question of thrift, and that national thrift must havo a national basis wo are all agreed. Who, however, can say that any private society is financially solvent, or that it has rules which are fair to both sides of the contract ! J No one can say so in any individual case, yet tho State is bound to soo that both status and rules are unexceptionable. In all the other matters the key note was a clear expression of Ministerial opinion—in refreshing contrast to the Ministerial pusillanimity of euphemistic evasion which has prevailed for years—and a determination to keep to tho lines of justico and practical politics which cannot be too highly commended by tho friends of the Liberal Party. Wednesday night’s deputation breaks tlio record of lho history of deputations.