THE New Zealand Mail. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. FRIDAY, JUNE 15, 1894.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 1163, 15 June 1894, Page 22

THE New Zealand Mail. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. FRIDAY, JUNE 15, 1894.

Sir John Hall, who has found himself in London together with Sir George Grey, finds himself dependent on the Colonial Party for a hearing when ho wants his views announced. For some years one of the leading opponents of Sir George Grey, he never managed to rise to the same plane with him. Even when in 1870 the younger man defeated the older, it was easily seen that they occupied very different spheres. A skilful manipulation of four votes put an end on that occasion to what was complacently styled by the Conservatives of that day as a desperate struggle. The struggle was simply the ignoring by a Ministry, knowing itself to be in the minority, of the motion of no confidence tabled by the Leader of the Opposition. If there was a struggle, it must have been between Sir John Hall and his conscience, which must have told him that the practice of high-minded Ministers is to take the business of the Government life first. The Liberal Party in the House was disorganised, lukewarm, traitorous, or the protracted manoeuvre would have been impossible. Its duration astonished the Ministerialists not a little. They refer to that period now as a period of struggle, which they even go so far as to call terrible. The only struggle was between the conscience and the sense of profit in the breast of the leader who knew that he was living on sufferance. It was, wo quite agree with his friends, a terrible period. It was ended appropriately by the manipulation of four votes. That transaction sent to the wall the veteran who knew what struggling really meant; who had done and dared ; who had faced the perils of innumerable wildernesses, who had thought out great questions of State at an ago when men aro thinking chiefly of amusement; who had been equally calm in presence of the emergency of the Indian Mutiny, and the fanaticism of the Kaffir hordes ; of the man who had been as much misunderstood i by Downing street as by those other and | smaller pigmies (by comparison) who came to judge him and clash with him and resent his philanthropy, and his statesmanship in New Zealand. But that victory of 1879, if it failed to set the men on a level, set a contrast between the two men, which the sequel deepened. For years after the fall of the Grey Administration, Sir John Hall was better known as one of those birds of ill omen, so abundant alas in the history of this Colony, who exalt themselves by measuring the absolute ruin to

which their opponents have reduced the country. Time, en the other hand ,was doing justice more and more every day to the services, character and standing of Sir George Grey. The publication of Mr Rees' book had much the same effect on the faint but warming glow of public opinion as oil has on hot embers.

In the midst of this flame, which] after burning- through every great paper in the land remained a broad bright light, Sir George Grey, to the astonishment of all who Lnew him, appeared in London, and there lie met Sir John Hall once more. As a matter of course they differed, as a matter of course both were consistent to their ancient, ideas, as a matter of course (this wo can only surmise) both display the old contrast. Sir George Grey began forty years ago to advocate the annexation of Samoa to New Zealand, for years ho strove with powerful pen and well-turned tongue to compass his idea, to him is due the later policy of Malietoa, which may be defined as the policy of silent endurance of German tyranny inspired by a fervent hope of protection under the British flag with New Zealand as the seat of Government. Sir Georgo Grey's views in the matter arc broad enough to be , worthy of their Imperial object. To the Britain of the South belongs of right the command of the Great Western Pacific trade, mail and cable routes of the future which is destined to see her greatness an integral portion of the greatness of the British Empire. Therefore Sir George Grey believes, as he has always believed, that Samoa should establish relations with the Empiro under the tegis of New Zealand. He believes also in the colonising and governing power of the race which, having been planted here under such splendid auspices, is destined to grow fast and flourish wide. Sir John Hall, on the other hand, looks at the matter with the eye of a politician accustomed iu the governing of a great department to count and discouut the minor vouchers of minor officials; like one who has been fed on red tape till he is afflicted with permanent indigestion ; as a man who knows no more about two and two making four than that the three figures must be in strict lino with crosslines of a regulation length at particular places. The statesman has met the official before the Colonial Party, and both are true to their instincts. It only deepens the significance of Mr Seddon's position, as the last in Parliament of the few who clung to the fortunes of the Liberal statesman outwitted by wirepullers and abandoned by the unworthy elect of the people, who had offered sacrifice at his shrine and forgotten. As Mr Seddon clung to the Grey fortunes, and ultimately prevailed, so will he prevail with the statesmanlike ideas of his old chief regarding the Empire over the Pacific islands. CHEAP MONEY. A recent writer, more remarkable for audacity than correctness, has denounced tho Premier and the Government because it accepted a cheap money scheme found in one of the late Mr Ballance's drawers, without any sort of proof that Mr Ballance had given his approval. Where did the writer get that information, we should like to know ? What we do know is that the authority is no better than the " generally felts " b>nd " freely asserteds " by which certain opposition newspapers give popular currency to their own guesses. The late Mr Ballance, as a matter of fact, thought a great deal of the cheap money theory as placed before him in the document in question. But if ho had not, what then ? Are the Premier and his Government to lie procluded from ever doing anything which has not the mark of their late chief ? The mere statement of such a proposition would be enough to excite the ridicule which kills. Bat coming from a side which never believed in a single thing that Mr Ballance ever advocated, and in the columns of a newspaper which, during Mr Ballance's lifetime, systematically held him up to the ridicule and contempt of its readers, what can it expect but inextinguishable laughter ? The Government will of course carry out all the ideas of its former chief, without refusing to consider whatever there is good in all those things to which he had not specially turned his attention. " The Conservative critic's plea is too transparent. You have done everything Mr Ballance promised; you have exhausted your charter; retire and give us a innings." It is not with webs of gossamer like this that tho strongest majority New Zealand has ever soen is to bo bound. If it be said that Mr Ballance did not do more than approve of the general principle of the cheap money scheme the criticism will be just. That is all that happened. Mr Ballance could not have approved of any detailed measure, bc- ; cause no such measure was at that time in existence. There is no denying the principle that for a valuable public advantage the State may pledge its credit. The state of agriculture is gloomy. Prices are down, the payment of wages is curtailed, the only hope is in the curtailment of interest. Mortgages weigh down ev<uy interest, the sole power which can lighten the weight is the State, and the State must move. Tho consequences of its motion must be gradual removal of debt, increase of employment, spread of independent comfort, But why go on ; cheap money is universally admitted to be a good thing. Why should the State not organise a good thing ? Everything of course depends on tho provisions made for the application of the central principle. The machinery must be simple, cheap and effective. That is tho ; leading condition. It must not confine itself to the Colony, but it must appeal to a new and untouched field. It must enable a borrower in New Zealand to take money from a lender in Great Britain. The management must be nonpolitical, absolutely, and it must bo competent. Above all things the valuations and the limit of talue for purpose of mort-

gage must be safe. On all these features and details and conditions we have from time to time enlarged, and therefore need not enlarge again. It would be better to have a definite scheme before us, which wo could examine with a view to comparing its features with tho conditions of tho ideal. We have not such a scheme before us. But we have not much doubt that wo shall have one before very long. When wo do, it is probable that our Conservative critics will pretend to flout it on the ground that Mr Ballance never saw it. Nevertheless, we havo no doubt that tho measure will be accepted by public opinion as in ever\ way fit for its very admirable purpose ; fulfilling all the conditions and containing all the safeguards demanded by the nicest prudence and required by tho greatest possible stickler for absolute simplicity of business legislation. JOURNALISTIC ETIQUETTE. The last appearance of a Dowager Duchess of American origin, cabled the other day, reminds us of an attack made upon another such Duchess as her Ladyship of Marlborough and her late husband by Mr W. T. Stead when in Chicago last year. It was at the People's Institute where the celebrated journalist had been invited to make clear certain remarks he had made on a previous occasion on the subject of female purity. Ho had bluntly told some women on the first occasion at the Chicago Woman's Club that " those women who havo great opportunities only to neglect them, and who havo great means enly to squander them upon themselves, are more disreputable in the eyes of God than the worst harlot on Fo.irth Avenue." Naturally there was what tho " great and good " man calls a " commotion," an army of reporters —the meeting having been private—besieged tho houses of the Club's president and many members to get the words used, the newspapers blazed next morning, and tho drawing-rooms of Chicago were on fire for a week. Mr Stead was eventually asked to explain, and ho explained by reiterating his statement unflinchingly, and arguing in support at considerable length after tho manner known to those who havo read certain indictments levelled at Sir Charles Dilke, Mr Langworthy, and other worthies. In the course of his romarks lie told his hearers that in England people wore amazed that so many women reared in the great Republic, instead of taking pride in their American origin, sell themselves to the most miserable scions Of European nobility. All this was, we leave it to be imagined, said in language whose* directness was little, if anything, short of Biblical. Having said it, tho Great and the Good introduced himself into his discourse as ho usually does.

I remember one of our dukes who bore an ancient name. Ho was divorced on the charge of cruelty and adultery. On one occasion when I was editing tho Pall Mall Gazette he wrote a letter for publication in the paper, which discoursed upon the subject of bimetallism. I refused it. I wrote him I did not wish to publish that letter or any other letters in that controversy now. But I told him % should not be frank if I did not toll him that the reason why I refused tho lottor, however, was not because of its subjoct, but because of its author. "Rightly or wrongly," 1 wrote, " you have the roputation of ruining women for your own pleasure, and therefore, in my opinion, you arc infinitely wore© than if you cut throats for hiro ; therefore, I return your manuscript." Shortly afterwards ho went to the United States and married an American woman of wealth. What do you think of your women if thoy allow themselves to be disposed of in this fashion ? In feudal times, when an estate was made over to a purchaser, tho contract was not complete until at the same time tho seller took a handful of .dirt andjgave it to tho purchaser. Your American beauties and American heiresses are no more than that handful of dirt, which marks and accompanies tho transfer of their fortunes to our stone-broke nobles. The above extract shows the stylo of Mr Stead's famous book under the sensational head of "If Christ Came to Chicago!" from which book we have taken it. -ft shows also something of Mr Stead's characteristic methods. " Rightly or wrongly, you are accused of so-and-so; therefore you are, in my opinion, infinitely worse than a hired assassin/ This proves the value of the caution of the wise philosopher against too much zeal. But wo havo drawn attention to it for the sake of the cause of journalism. Mr Stead represents the new journalism. But no journalist is permitted to betray the secrets of hi» correspondence. 1 Dead or alive, rightly or wrongly accused, tho Duke of Marlborough was entitled to Mr Stead's protection. Tho divulging of the name—for who can doubt it ? —is a scandalous breach of journalistic law, which tho Institute of Great Britain ought to take up.