POLITICAL NOTES.

New Zealand Mail, 21 July 1892, Page 28

POLITICAL NOTES.

Wednesday, july i 3;

AFTERNOON SITTING.

Twenty-four questions pass without much riccasion for remark; Sir John Hall asks for information and gets it ; Mr George Hutchison fisks and is refused. Ha persists and finds himself lost. When the twenty-fifth question is asked by the Buller Lion, it drops its innocent character of a something intended to b 9 striclly confined to the question of workmen’s trains, and the House finds itself plunged into a headlong battle on the subject of the Railway Commissioners. A letter of their 3is described by the Minister of Public Works as ‘ bordering on impertinence.’ The expression becomes the apple of discord. It is curious that the Government ranks support the Minister while the Opposition files stand before the Commissioners. At the outset Mr Fish attacks the Minister of Labour, and gets from that gentleman a return which the House seam 3 to think sufficient, an opinion in which the hon gentleman himself appears to join. Mr Buchanan makes his first speech. We are glad to see the familiar face, and hear once more the grim familiar voice, raised without any shadow of compromise—a word not in the Wairarapa vocabulary. In his defence of the Commissioners Mr Buchanan is thoroughly himself. Evidently his trip Home has done him good. The discussion get 3 tame until Mr Hogg revives it, bringing artillery into a skirmish of riflemen. In the course of his booming he happens to say that he was once travelling alone in a train, whereupon a voice is heard Surmising that ‘it was known you were going/ and there is some tittering. Mr Meredith puts on the armour of righteousness, and gives the Government some severe admonition. ‘ Don’t malign the Commissioners. If you want to attack them bring down a motion.’ He begs the House most Impressively to avoid these useless .discussions find get to business. Mr O’Conor, who had moved the adjournment, takes a shot or two at the Commisiioners without, of course, 1 the slightest desire to join in any vulgar abuse of men whose appointments I never approved of.’ He sarcastically compliments Mr Buckland (the champion quibbler of the House he insinuates he is) for having ta’ked of ‘murdering the Queen’s English.’ The Buller Lion thinks Mr Buckland ought to be a capital judge of that kind of thing. When he has done the House does not adjourn, but goes on with the other questions, which finish by 5 o’clock. We observe that there are 32 of them on the Order Paper. The half-hour remaining is taken up largely with formalities, among which we notice the presentation by Mr Guinness of the petition of the Midland Railway Company. We also observe that Mr Richardson has a very elaborate engine of questions with which he purposes to batter the statement of the 1741 special association settlers. We notice, too, that Mr G. Hutchison, who is as busy as a bee, wants the Premier tc let the Bryce episode take possession on Friday, and the Premier refusing, Mr Hutchison retires, threatening revenge in the shape of taking time by dealing with the Bryce petition * in some other way.’

Ten minutes, or nearly so, remain to Mr Wilson to move his motion to give the homestead settlers the option of the freehold. ‘We Bhall soe then whether they are speculators or not,’ he says, after testifying to the industry and good faith of these people. The Minister of Lands, half turning round in his seat, says * Too late then,’ and refuses to budge from that position in spite of suave speech from Mr Wilson. That gentleman will not take the Minister’s advice to wait for the Land Bill; he won’t come within the influence of party. He prefers to get his motion carried now. But that produces an outburst. ‘ What! Pass a motion of this importance without debate, says Mr W. O. Smith. ‘Give ten minutes out of fifteen to his speech, and divide in the other five.’ Mr W. C. Smith wishes it to be distinctly understood that he has cut his eye teeth, and that he rather thinks his constituents know it. The Minister of Lands goes full tilt at the motion, and is in the act of pronouncing the various degrees of impossible when the clock sends him away with cheers. EVEN’NO. A weary time, a weary time 1 The gall-ros fill and do not rein in full. Clutha, who comes first on the Order Paper, is diverted from h s original course, 'and he leaves manures and noxious weeds to the tender mercies of the Government. Mr Wright gets his first Committee Bill about Road Boards through, and has rather a bad time with his second, proposing to amend the Fisheries Conservation Act. And then Mr Hutchison plunges the House into the eight hours question. Half the galleries go forth, and half the House folows.

Mr Hutchison exhausts the question, exhausts the House, and exhausts himself. Mr Taylor indulges in reminiscences and observations of original and free character, which rake the Bill from stem to stern, and amuse the House greatly. ‘ No exemptions, sir.’ Clutha dips the subject back into the deep water in which Hutchison had sunk it. Mr Duthie does not think much of the Bill, but will support the second reading, and Mr Fish takes the same line, but he denounces the Bill nevertheless as coddling the working man, and as going farther than the force of folly. He supports the principle by reading the Bill a second time, and he reserves to himself a free hand for mangling it in committee. After him Mr Hogg like 3 the principle. Then Captain Russell comes down upon the

Bill with great scorn. The high-flown platitudes of the mover’s speech, the absolute uselessness of the Bill—a pretence, a sham, a thing to catch applause from the unthinking—these things come very glibly from Captain Russell, who is in fine form. He applauds Mr Taylor’s attitude, seeing under the jocular methods of that gentleman much practical wisdom. He challenges Mr Hutchison to bring in a real Bill, a measure which will give somebody something. He denounces the cowardice of the men who parade their affections for wretched sham 3 of this kind. The Captain slashes away in that calm way of his, and old Mr Hutchison looks at him with a face on which astonishment and Christian forgiveness struggle for the mastery, while he takes notes. Mr Fisher takes us back to the days when he was young and curly, and worked from 6 in the morning till 8 at night, Mr Kelly takes us to the East Coast and a flaxmill, Mr McLean hugi the principle of the Bill, wrapping it in Scottish reminiscences, which seem to require a liberal margin of exemption. Mr Dawson makes a slight bow to the principle, and has no reminiscences. Mr Buick astonishes those who do not know his sentiments by declaring that he prefers custom to legislation which is a dangerous twoedged weapon. ‘ Eight hours law to-day, twelve hours law to-morrow,’ and a hear, hear goes round the House. But he astonishes us all by saying he will vote for the second reading. Others declare their dislike for the Bill and their readiness to vote the second reading,until supper time. After supper, the Bill is read a second time ; another Bill (Public Works Act, 1882, Amendment) gets to the same stage, without any talk at all ; after which the House has oysters. The Oyster Fisheries Bill getting into committee, there is a discussion about the export duty, which ends in a division favourable to the export. The committee then listens to the Chairman reading the clauses, Mr Seddon explains and the Bill gets on to the schedules. There ia coughing, indicative of a refusal to swallow the powers given to local authorities. Mr Thompson, of Marsden, deprecates that hostility, and the Minister exerts his powers of explanatory persuasion. After another division, the oysters are swallowed, and the House goes into Bankruptcy. In half an hour eighty-four clauses pass to the great weariness of the rapid reading Chairman. Content with that unexampled feat of listening the House adjourns at half-past one.

THURSDAY, JULY 14. AFTERNOON. Soon after prayers, Mr Shera asks for further leave of absence for Sir George Grey. When he says it is for a fortnight, an electric shock darts round the House. Members look at one another with raised eyebrows, and whispers reach the gallery. ‘He’s coming back after all,’ they say. It is an exciting time this afternoon. The Opposition it has been noticeable during the last few days, are determined to make the Premier answer their question about those debentures and the double taxation or allegation thereof. Every day almost they have advanced on that line, and everyday they hav e been foiled, to their increasing disgust. They advance this afternoon as usual and with more determination than ever, Mr Harkness being in tlieir front with a question. Is it true that the Premier gave a New Zea •

land Herald reporter certain information which cannot be obtained by members of this House ? That is the gist of the question as put by Mr Harkness, The Premier parries it as usual, saying he is not responsible for newspaper reports, and referring Mr Harkness for the Ministerial intentions to the coining Bill. Mr Harkness thereupon wants to move the adjournment, but Mr Fish, rushing forward to take the lead, moves it instead. He delivers a desperate assault on the Ministerial position, during which ’equivocations’ and ‘evasions’ are heard consp’cuo is above the din of the

Fisliie oratorical tornado. The Speaker bavin - removed these embellishments, Dr Newrn.n follows Mr Fish through the breach in tin order of business with experiences from London. Inspired information, the Doctor insists hotly, has been sent to London, and he declares thal it cannot be got in the House. When tht Doctor has pounded pathetically a good deal on these thin ■», he gives place to Sir John H ill, who delivers the main attack. Sir John is angry, much angrier than he was the but time this question w.ts before the House. He makes no reference t> poetic quotation ab- ut the mild manners of people who can cut throats and scuttle si dps. Without any qualification at all he hurls at the Premier a heavy epithet. lie declares the Premier’s conduct ‘ simply ’ insulting to the House.

There is a wild outry. From all sides there are shouts of ‘ withdraw,’ and counter cries of ‘ Hear, hear, 1 arise. Sir John hoi .8 on through the confusion quite regardless. The Minister of Labour calls the Speaker’s attention to the words, Sir John repeats them, the Speaker says they are unparliamentary. A desperate scene ensues. Sir John, amid the u ; roar, trns to explain, Mr Fergus is heard on his side with occasional booming roar, dominating the noise, calling upon the Premier to apologise to Sir John. Then the confusion is pierced by a shrill voice vehemently raising points for Sir John ; it is the voice of Mount Ida. A lull is produced, of which Mr Seddon promptly takes advantage, to say that the Speake-, having ruled the words unparliamentary, they really ought to be withdrawn. Sir John thereupon qualifies. Insulting to the intelligence of the House not to the feelings he thinks he ought to say, He withdraws so far as unworthy conduct was imputel. He

withdraws altogether ; but adds that he regrets no vocabulary can supply him with another word which will express his meaning. The uproar rises up once more ; it is as if oil has been poured on a conflagration. In the middle of it the Premier rises and enters into a warm, excited, fluent defence of his conduct and that of the Government. No Government had ever given so much information to the House in the time. Having a bad case the Opposition abused, putting insulting questions. While his followers are cheering him, Wairarapa is down on him with a point of order. The Premier having applied his words to no one in particular, withdraws them with the utmost cheerfulness.

He goes on to make vehement defence of his circumspection in dealing with the debenture question. He gets higher and higher until he reaches surprise at the coarse and insulting expressions of the other side. Sir John Hall afc once intervenes with point of order, the Premier remains standing, the House Is in a ferment, from which cries of * Order' are given off with sharp reports. The Premier argues that he has been interrupted in the work of qualifying his words, the uproar blazes up, and Mr Fisher forces his way to the front with points about the word ‘ coarse.’ The Speaker rules about that word generally, and then the Premier bow 3 to the ruling and withdraws both words, not having wished to be discourteous to any one. Mr Rolleston finds the House calmer, and, having merely amused it by declaring that the House ought to be ashamed of the Premier’s conduct, he raises a fresh storm by saying, as Tyndal said of Harcourt, that the Premier ‘illustrates the unveracity of man.’ Protests rage awhile until Mr Rolleston withdraws the words.

That is the last of the squalls of this storm. It growls a little longer when Mr Hogg makes good-humoured defence of newspaper reporters as a capital diversion. Sunshine comes with a speech from Mr Taylor about things in general, whimsically made applicable to the present state of things. The wind rises a little again when Mr Rhodes professes to quote the Minister of Labour, and the protest of that gentleman brings Mr Speaker’s tall form once more to his feet. But Mr Rhodes withdraws all quotation. He wants to read the letter of Mr Blakiston, of the Trust and Loan Company, and he reads it, amid some quiet hear-hearing from each side at various points. Mr Buckland fails to raise another squall by imputing stonewalling to the Ministerialists, but the Speaker promptly stops him, Mr Allen carries the falling gale a little further, growling out criticism about the New Zealand Times, and then Mr Fish having replied, the atmosphere is once again clear. Time, 4.30. Formalities and questions going through rapidly, we get to the orders of the day. Mr Ballance gets his Wanganui Hospital Bill read a second time, without a word from anywhere. Mr Duthie does the same with the Wellington drainage, except that he gets a favourable word from Mr McLean as he passes, and then the Wairarapa Hospital District Bill is stopped by Mr Fisher, who moves to read it that day six months, Dr Newman following with the information that this is a very old enemy, many times killed by the House, and to be killed again. The ghosts of old conflicts coming up, the House is entertained by them till dinner time, EVENING. At the outset, Mr Lawry brings the Bryce episode to the door of the Chamber. He wants to sweep the Order Paper of all the items before the episode, so as to have the episode settled. Will the House kindly agree unanimously as provided by the Standing Orders ? Sir John Hall is so surprised by this sudden manoeuvre with the episode that be cannot agree. The House is thin, members having come in from dinner, but the one dissentient is sufficient. The episode retires. After that,the oysters of last night are served up again, and they disagree with the House dreadfully. The Bill come in to be reported from the committee, and read a third time, and is at once attacked. The day it appears, if we m y judge by tb * cnur-e of the discussion that follows, has been prolific in protests from the far North. Mr Buckland begins the attack by belabouring the members who have destroyed the livelihood oi honest, hard working men who have no time to read Bills before this House. They earn their living in open boats, in all weathers, among rocks and seaweed. Mr Buckland almost weeps over these men, and then his grief gives place to seventy. Those gentlemen who lie in easy chairs in the library and waste their time, ile can scarcely find words for their conduct in neglecting their own duties to destroy the life interests of those poor fellows in the North. He is supposed to indicate that he means the Labour members opposite, and they receive the statement with protests.

Mr Houston says a word or two firmly, as he says everything, in favour of the Bill and against Mr Buckland. Mr R. Thompson chaffs the member for Manukau roughly. * He is posing as a candidate for the Ministry of Labour, sir.’ Leaving Mr Buclcland, ha gets to the Bill ; he suspected last night that there would be this opposition. He has found out during the day, The middlemen are at the bottom of it. The Leader of the Opposition can scarcely find words to describe the iniquity of the Bill, which is ‘ a hideous deformity.’ In every way you can put it the Bill is bad—especially bad is it in the export duty. Mr Rolleston sees a precedent in that most dangerous to the farmers of this country. Every farmer's representative ought to vote against it. Equally bad is the Bill as a financial measure. Very earnest and disgustedly impressive Mr Rolleston is. Mr Fish leap-j to in fiery fighting

trim, falling foul of the measure. He twits the Southern members with their conduct in voting for this export duty. He jeers particularly at the member for Invercargill for his share in that iniquitous work, and he points to the great export of oysters from Stewart Island. He draws distinction between the conservation of oysters, which is a good thing, and the export duty which is a bad thing. He turns to Marsdea and ridicules the idea that the middlemen can suffer anything. After tearing up and down the subject a little longer Mr Fish moves that the Bill be recommitted, with a view of cutting out the export clause. The Opposition cheer him as he sits down.

Mr Kelly, of Invercargill, is astonished at Mr Fish and Mr Buckland. There are no oysters exported from Invercargill, and as for the Labour members, they do go to the libraries occasionally, chiefly when Mr Buckland gets on his legs, which is pretty often, by the way, adds Mr Kelly in that manner of his which said a sorrowful good-bye to the sense of humour not less than ten years ago. Mr T. Thompson comes to the assistance of the Bill, Mr Shera concentrates a large book full of political economy into three short sentences, neatly cut and carefully dried, and with them he pulverises the export duty and gets hear, hear. Mr Palmer rebukes the opponents of the Bill for their recklessness, Mr McLean remonstrates with them for their lack of logic, Mr Allen rebukes all who are so foolish as to give heed to any Ministerial promise— * not worth that, sir,' he says, snapping his fingers. He ends by throwing ridicule at the paltry sum of the duty— 1 L350,’ he says, with much scorn, ‘to preserve the oyster fisheries of this Colony.* Mr Buckland heaps coals ot fire on the heads of Mr Kelly and the Labour members. They are most useful, industrious members. They never leave the House for Library or anywhere else. Therefore, when Mr Kelly said that he and they had withdrawn to the Library whenever he got up to speak he gave colour to a misstatement.

After a time the amendment comes up and is lost by a large majority. Before the Bill is read a third time a few words are said here and there by way of explanation of remarks and then the third reading is carried on the voices. ‘ That the Bill do now pass,’ is the motion given out from the Chair. Mr Seddon takes the opportunity to reply, and very soon makes it evident that he is the same Richard of Kumara who was wont in days of yore to meet his euemies in fight. The last hour or two he has sat in his seat receiving the taunts of the other side, watching the waste of time with eyes growing every moment fiercer. He is in consequence in that state of wrath {which debaters regard as powder to make their shot go. He begins with the tactics of the Opposition. They have obstructed this measure for the last fortnight, he cries out in a loud voice, speaking with all possible emphasis. He refers to Mr Buckland as he faces him, accusing him of obstruction. ‘ Not truthful ’ says Mr Buckland.

The Minister asks for withdrawal. Mr Speaker says Mr Buckland really must not, Mr Buckland begins to explain his position. The Minister thunders that he must have withdrawal. Mr Buckland retorts. Mr Speaker interferes, Mr Buckland withdraws. Like a stream let loose by temporary obstacle suddenly removed, Mr Seddon tears on at the obstruction, worrying Mr Buckland. ‘That is incorrect,’says Mr Bucfcland, and the House laughs as he keeps jumping up doggedly to hurl this ‘ incorrect ’ at the warmly assailing Minister. Mr Scobie Mackenzie raises points of order one after another, and sailing very near the wind is warned by the Speaker, and dea’sts from protecting his dogged friend. Much time is consumed with this episode. Mr Seddon having exhausted the subject of obstruction, encounters Mr Kolleston and pounds away at him for a considerable time relieving his feelings. Tiie great question of Freetrade and Protection dragged in with a paltry shilling duty on every wretched bag of oysters ! Mr Seddon hts not words for his scorn. He had expected so mething better from the Leader of the Opposition. As for tile precedent and the farmers, he repudiates the insinuations almost with fury. He charges the Opposition aud its leader with being anxious to introduce Coolie labour.

There aie twenty protests. Mount Ida, above the din, wants to know if the Minister has nut introduced debate.rble matter, and if so, there is a Standing O.der, which he reads, which gives the Opposition the right to reply. Mr Speakei info m- the Minister that he is travelling out of die record. It takes a little time to make the point clear, and when that is done Mr Seddon goes on, like a man who in fighting has had punishment, and shakes his head as he goes straight at the adversary again, pulling himself together to ‘ get home.' Mr Buckland gets in his way, and we have some ‘ plugging,’ the result of which is that Mr Buckland jumps up and says the conduct of Ministers is * disgraceful.' The House grows suddenly silent, an * Oh ! 1 is thrown in M r Buckland's direction here and there, and Air Buckland himself appears to have lost his j mntiness and to have got a little angry. Of course he is called to order. Half a dozen men are on their feet, and the points of order make a din. The Speaker asserts himself, makes everybody sit down, and calls upon Mr Buckland to withdraw his words. Mr Buckland gets up bent and a little sorrowful, and withdraws. Mr Speaker takes the other points, Mr Seddon goes on with hi 3 speech.

The Opposition, he says good humouredly, interrupt him so constantly, knowing his nervous disposition. Everybody laughs, and the air begins to clear. Then Mr Seddon explains the working of the Bill. It will enable men to get to work who are now stopped by

Proclamation. It can never affect wages ; the men get 3s to 4s, the price in Sydney is 15s to 20s, and the freight is 2s or 2s 6d. The middlemen will have to pay the expott duty, and disgorge some of their profits, that is all. As to the duty, it is uecessary for this reason. The oystermen here shovel the oysters off the rocks, they don't pick them ; taking everything of the smallest size. Hundreds and thousands of small oysters are rejected by the buyers at the other end and just broken off and either thrown into the sea or burnt for lime. The duty will keep these small oysters at home. ‘lt is better for us to have them growing into money, sir, than to see them carried off across the ocean to be wasted/ That is the reason for the duty, and there is no precedent in it for taxing farm produce, and of course there is no intention to do anything of the kind. He ridicules Mr Rolleston's theory with much scorn, foaming over it with many hard words. As for the local bodies, Mr Rollestou himself has helped to pass many Acts which give fees to local bodies. In this case only a small portion of the duty will get to any local bodies ; to those which have jurisdiction over a foreshore on which there are {oyster beds. The bulk of the fishery is outside the boundaries of any local bodies; the Barrier and other islands, for instance.

The explanation goes on for a time, and then Mr Seddon sits down very warm and triumphant, and his people give him cheers. The Bill passes on the voices. Mr Scobie Mackenzie tries to intercept by raising the question of the title, quoting from the Standing Orders, and is snuffed out by Mr Speaker, and laughs like a man who is not at all surprised.

When the title comes up Mount Ida wants it amended by addition of the words ‘ and to impose an export duty on oysters.’ Mr Speaker tells him he can. Mount Ida looks pleased. Before he cm go on Mr Speaker say 3 the rule is that the principle of the measure cannot be discussed. Mount Ida looks blank as a roar of laughter greets him. He proceeds to give his reasons. That is all he wants, but Mr Speaker sticks to him pretty closely. He doubles and turns, but Mr Speaker is inexorable. Mount Ida displays the greatest readiness, the greatest politeness, and the greatest suppleness. But it is useless. Mr Speaker keeps him to the point in spite of his witty answers. At each blow of matter of fact from the chair, the House laughs, and Mount Ida grins; he almost winks ;we all know that he feels himself trying forlorn hope. At last he is exhausted, and sits down, and the House comes to an end of the Oyster Bill. Decidedly a surfeit of oysters this night. A couple of Bills come on next in committee, and go through. The Bankruptcy Bill is ‘ jumped,’and the House gets into committee on the Electoral Bill. One month’s residence for the transfer qualification, gets made three on the acceptance of amendment by the Premier, and the House goes to supper. After supper there is a long debate on the question of giving the Maoris the Manhood Franchise if they choose to give up the special representation. Mr Carroll makes a pleasant, smooth, supporting speech. Mr Hogg says hard things about Maoris inferentially. Mr Shera chastises him in his roundest manner, and several others, including Mr Buchanan, do the same, barring the manner. Mr Hogg replies at the top of his voice, proclaiming his admiration of the Maori race. Mr Buckland has a good deal to say to everybody, and the Chairman finds it necessary to call the Committee to order. The amendment being carried by a large majority, an attack is made on the recipients ot charitable aid by Mr Gr. Hutchison, who wants them deprived of the franchise. But after a little skirmish, in which Mr Taylor says a good deal about the ‘ Poor and Needy,’ and gets coughed down, and the Committee takes to calling out question, Mr Hutchison withdraws. An omisdon in the Bill is rectified, the insane, &c., being exempted.

The next trouble is over the woman’s vote. Mr Blake wants to postpone its operation till after next general election, and with praiseworthy reticence says nothing. Sir John Hall saye the House must be logical; Mr Taylor says lie's not going to be coughed down, and there is a roar of laughter for his benefit. But he goes on to say that the ladies ought to have all the * perquisites,' and then everybody says ‘Question,’ and keepi on saying it until the question is put, and Mr Blake is squashed by 33 to 14. The registration clauses keep the committee till half-past two, and then the Opposition strikes. They have had enough, they represent that flesh and blood will not stand any more. A moti >n to report progress is negatived. Air Fish objects vehemently, Mr Mitchelson will nut work any more, Air Dawson wants the Premier to hear reason. The Premier says he will go on till three o’clock, the committee should pass the merely machinery clauses. Sir John Hall objects throwing the weight of his experience. He has never seen late hour 3 kept at this period of the session, he declares the Government Party has wasted all the time. He is met by protests. * Obstruction ha 3 come from your side. 1 * Bullying,’ say a Sir John. It is ruled unparliamentary. ‘Brow beating' he subsLitutos, and that is equally out of order. He stands up for the rights of fair treatment. Mr Fish blazes with wrathful protest volubly. Mr Seddon suavely reminds the House that the Premier has made a fair offer, with agreement to postpone all matter which any one opposite might consider reasonable. Sir John will not budge. He wants time to read these clauses. The Premier takes exception to his tone. * Who wants to be master, sir ?’ He thinks we might have a comprom'se. It is twelve minutes to three. Shall we g> on till three? The Opposition agrees, and the work goes on. Mr Hutchison wants a penalty clause added to clause 16, the Premier objects, Mr Joyce points out that clause 101 meets the case.

Mr Tanner haa an amendment, and goes off tjh the subject of rolls. There are 22,000 more names on the rolls of the Colony than there are electors. Three o’clock comes, and according to promise, the Premier agrees to report progress. The committee reports, and the House adjourns.

FRIDAY, JULY 15. AFTERNOON. The House Is brisk, and makes buzzing accompaniment to the petitions and formalities. These are for a moment stopped for the swearing in of Mr Bruce. That neophyte (technically) is led forward by the veterans, Scobie Mackenzie and Wilson, and vouched for. Clearly Mr Bruce will become an adept in defying the Chair with politeness, ability, histrionic power and good humoured want of success : somehow it does not suggest itself to any one that Mr Bruce can ever exhibit the eel-like suppleness of his Parliamentary sponsor. His other sponsor is a guarantee that Mr Bruce will be able to bait Ministers with propriety and decorum. A 3 he retires to his seat he stop 3 to shake hands with Ministers, and have a chat about things. It is ciear that these things are amusing. Like the famous sundial, Mr Bruce discourses of nothing but what is serene. Mr Rees, who brings up reports of Joint Committee on Bills, moves amendment that it is not a public but a private Bill. He shows cause. He knows all about it. Leases have been granted of this land ; they have gone through his hands. Interference with private property, and no one affected has had notice ! The Native Minister can know nothing of this matter. Some mistake the Minister thinks is being put right. But he has forgotten the effect on private rights. Other measures of this kind are advertised widely, and notice sent to every one concerned : according to the rules of every deliberative Assembly in the world, all of which safeguard private rights by all means in their power. He protests in this case that all the leases granted are ( threatened, those of his client Karaitiana, the \ son of a former member of this House, and j many others, are threatened, and nobody ' knows anything about it. He cautions the House to cleave to justice, and to maintain the Standing Orders and the ordinary rules of 1 justice which do not permit decision of any- 1 thing in the absence of the parties. He protests warmly against the property of his clients being taken away without their being heard. He just mentions the Native Land Court to which these leases are referred by the Bill, in order to express his contempt for an institution whose bad verdicts are filling the Supreme Court with litigation. This is a repitition of the vicious Private Contracts Bill. He denounces making this a Party question. If that is done there is an end to all honest Party Government. He hopes the Houde will turn its back on Party and do justice. Mr Fish having seconded the motion with commendatory phrases, the Native Minister intercepts with a point of order. The House’s action the other day he thinks prevents any action of the kind proposed by Mr Rees. Mr Rhodes explains what took place this morning in the committee. Mr Speaker says he sent these Bills to the Joint Committee to ask their status ; that he got a report as to whole of them in globo ; that Mr Rees moved a resolution taking them so, with exception as to two ; the House voted in favour and declined the decision of the committee. For that reason sent a memorandum to the chairman of the committee and asked for a decision on the Bills seriatim. That was his right, therefore there is no point of order. Mr Hutchison, senior, wanders off about the point of order. Mr Speaker puts him right, and being unheard by reason of the tremendous buzz of private conversation asserts himself with such vigour that the House becomes perfectly silent. Then the Speaker puts Mr Hutchison right, and that lost sheep having ceased to be astray, returns thanks and subsides. Mr W. C. Smith explains there is no private right at stake. The Native Land Court simply made a mistake, and has no power to remedy it without legislation—the thing has gone on for 21 years. He rebukes Mr Rees as biassed, being, by his own admission as a solicitor, interested. He asks the House to prefer the decision of the Joint Committee, which, being a very independent body, has twice declared this a private Bill. Delay, Mr Smith points out, is a thing we all understand as good for lawyers by reason of Supreme Court actions, fees, and so forth. Then he explains the error. There are two blocks, No. I and No. 2, and the Native Court has changed the nameß by mistake. The Natives were asked to validate by signing afresh, but the absence of some of them bungled the matter, so that legislation is necessary to put it right. Mr Rees explains that it was only the other day he became aware that he was acting for anybody in the matter. Mr Rhodes will vote for the amendment. ‘ A Bill so complicated as described by Mr Smith ought to go to a competent tribunal to have the preamble verified.’ Mr Cadman having been defeated on his technical point, falls back on the main question, explaining that the practice he is following in this matter is very usual, and quotes six or seven instances which he says are exactly Bimilar. After that the amendment is cast out by 39 to 23. The Kaipo Reserves Bill coming down next in the series, Mr Rees repeats his protest in very angry terms, in very fierce mood. Mr G. Hutchison moves a similar amendment to the last. Clutha getting up to lecture Mr Rees talks about the ‘brutal’ majority of the Government, He withdraws the expression with a

bow, and says he does so because the word is unparliamentary, not because it is not the best for conveying his meaning. Thereupon Mr Speaker comes down upon him very sharply. This is a practice very improper and very much on the increase. He is determined to stop it. Withdrawal on order of the Chair must be absolute. The House approves muchly. Mr Fish talks raspingly of Standing Orders, and gets called to order, Sir John Hall talks with suave bitterness about the Standing Orders, Mr Duncan flourishes a characteristic tomahawk, and is not allowed to apply it to a former debate, Sir J ohn making spirited protest which the Chair sustains. Mr Seddon quotes numbers of Bills in our history of the same kind as these Bills, and dealt with in the same manner as public Bills. We really have no right to reject the report of the Joint Committee, which moreover, the Council has adopted. The waste of two days is due to an error of Mr Rees. Not any error, says Mr Rees, I only brought down the report as signed by the committee : the voices are against the amendment, and the incident closes. Time 3.50. We get to the questions, and Mr Fish asks Mr Ward why he has not drawn the salary voted him by the House. I3it a sense of honour, or a fear of the consequences under the Disqualification Act. Mr Ward says it is no doubt very disappointing to the hon gentleman that he has not drawn the salary ; he may tell him that had he taken it he would have been acting perfectly legally. As to why he did not take it, well in fact, Mr Ward is not in the habit of answering impertinent questions. , Mr Fish rises to make a rush ; wants to move the adjournment ; but liis friends dissuade him, and he sits down with a look of Ancient Pistol on his face. ‘ A time will come.' Mr Taylor asks about expenditure in Christchurch, giving the Minister a string of cautions worthy of one of Byron's burlesques. The Minister jocularly evades, and Mr Taylor makes protest, fighting for the unemployed, while the Premier looks imploringly at him to cease wasting time. He continues, regardless, making numerous original observations, which he throws at the House with that peculiar jerk of the arms which draws a laugh every time it is used by Mr Taylor. The House is amused as usual. Mr R. Thompson learns that the question of placing a duty on imported island fruit will be considered by the Government when reviewing the alteration of the tariff. Mr Buckland is told that this session there will not be time to bring in a new Fencing Act. On the subject of the Edwards case Mr Mills (Wairau) asks—lf, in view of the recent decision recorded by the Privy Council re appointment of Mr Edwards, will the judgments given in civil and criminal cases by that gentleman while sitting as Judge of the Supreme Court hold good in law, or will the Government bring in a Validation Act this session ? The Minister replies that there is no reason to suppose that the judgments are not good in law, but if they should be declared to be so by the Law Officers who are now considering the matter, the Government will bring in a Bill. Mr G. Hutchison learns that the accident to the Taranaki express on the 12th was caused by no carelessness, the landslip having occurred near Wailotara immediately after the usual inspection. Every care will, of course, be taken in future. Mr Hogg wants to know if, in the interests of land settlement by the labouring population, Ministers will introduce a scheme having for its object the advancing of money at moderate rates of interest to perpetual leaseholders, on the security of their improvements. Mr Hogg says tersely that cheap money would be better for these people than any law, and sends the House into a guffaw. He reads a letter from a money-lender, who says the security of perpetual lease is very good, but it requires 8 per cent, a rate which will prevent these poor people from ever getting out of his hands. The Speaker finds the letter long, but lets Mr Hogg finish. The Minister says he lias heard from settlers on the subject, but not from money-lenders. He sympathises with the object, viz., giving some help to poor settlers. But the subject has so many difficulties that the Government regret they can do nothing this year. Moreover, they have no money to lend. Sir John Hall is told by the PostmasterGeneral that eighteen words will be allowed for telegraph messages by-and-hye—so soon as it is convenient financially. The Department is watching the matter.

The other questions asked, we have the giving of notices, and then we get to the notices of motion. The first is—Hon W. P. Reeves to move, That a Select Committee be appointed to consider how, by arrangement of the tariff or otherwise, the manufactures and industries of the Colony may be encouraged, the committee to consist of Mr Buckland, Mr Duncan, Hon Sir John Hall, Mr Lawry, Hon Mr Mitchelson, Mr O’Conor, Mr Pinkerton, Mr E. M. Smith, Mr Tanner and the mover ; with power to call for persons and papers ; three to be a quorum ; and to report within a month. Mr Meredith objects to the composition of the committee. He reads the names, gives the occupations of the members and falls into the blunder of mistaking one Reeves for another. ‘The mover, sir, is a mining agent.’ Mr Reeves denies. Mr Meredith courteously apologises, looking towards the seat of the member for Inangahua, and finding it empty, hastily casts his eye on his Order Paper and says, ‘ Oh ! W. P. Reeves.’ The House laughs as he amends his diagnosis, ‘Only two farmers on the

committee,’ says Mr Meredith, He wants the committee recast.

Clutha talks Freetrade and Protection, with leanings very decidedly towards Freetrade. Mr Earnshaw thinks there are a good many more country representatives on the committee than Mr Meredith thinks ; he divides it into Opposition, Government, [lndependent and Labour members ; he likes the committee on the whole ; most invidious it is to pry into the professions of the members. Sir John Hall wants his name taken off, he does not want to help find a principle for the Government.

Mr Buckland rebukes Mr Meredith for going into the question of professions, and shows that he knew nothing of his subject; Mr Valentine likes the committee.

The Minister reminds Sir John that the Government has stated its principle in the Financial Statement; he sets Mr Meredith right as to the professions of the committee ; he admits that the committee is largely Protectionist, and necessarily so, otherwise nothing would ever be done. He agrees to strike out the words objected to by Sir John Hall, ‘by arrangement of the tariff or otherwise.’ Mr Speaker is stating the question when Mr Fisher moves the adjournment of the House for the purpose of saying something about the travelling expenses of Ministers. He objects (1) that they do not furnish returns with the alacrity of their predecessors, and (2) that their travellings have all been for political not for general purposes. He produces a return which he has himself compiled. ‘Will you lay it on the table?’ asks the Premier suavely. ‘ Part of my speech,’ retorts Mr Fisher.

lie calculates the cost of various Ministries (salaries and travelling allowances included), and he makes out this one to be the very highest. His annual averages for the Atkinson, Stout-Vogel, Atldnson-Fisher, and Ballance administrations, afford him much food for comment, which he makes with brisk calmness and great enjoyment. Of course his figures put the present Government on the highest scale. Mr Fisher talks till half-past 5. EVENING. Mr Rolleston faces full galleries at half-past seven, and falls upon the Financial Statement, going through that document seriatim. He denies that capital has not been withdrawn, and that interest has remained low. He comes to the ‘hand of the spoiler.’ ‘Did anyone ever see such twaddle/ he says, and his people encourage him with cheers. Rest, he goes on to say, is what the people want, not this financial uncertainty and uprooting. The grit of the settlers has given the country prosperity (frozen meat and dairy industry), not the presence of those gentlemen on those benches. Many hear, hears come, Mr Ballance’s voice being conspicuous. The surplus ! Not satisfactory so long as you seize the sinking funds. Not satisfactory from the political point of view, as it is the result of a former finance ungraciously passed over. It is but the feature of the Government policy. Look at the land. ‘ Huddled on the clothes of other people, and they don’t fit them.’ The Opposition applaud heartily, Mount Ida leading. He goes on to be unable to think how the Colony could have paid its interest, by way of export, if the industry of the Colony had not made such giant strides, as to find the money. The export tables are, he says, most valuable, and he sketches the growth of the debt during the depression period, from L2 to L 4 per head of the population ; ha sketches and criticises the Public Works Policy, pointing out its failure to realise expectations ; he gets to the exodus which Ministers think they have stopped, ‘ but which is due to all those other causes I have mentioned.’

The Opposition cheer him again, and he goes on with added vigour, getting vast stores of information out of the paper of notes in his left hand, about harbours, railway expenditure, rotting sleepers at Greymouth—- ‘ Who began that policy,’ comas from the Government benches. ‘ Ha ! The Minister of Educatipn wants to know who is responsible,, If that hon geutleman has to reply to me or to somebody else after me, his whole argument will be you’re another.” But I, sir, am not afraid, even if I have been a party to wrong doing in the past, to say that the time has come for reform/ He gets to the money question. It is true there are deposits in the hanks ; they have been brought about by strikes partly instigated by those great exponents of Liberal principle, and partly by the withdrawal of moneys from investment, owing to pressure of the uncertainties of the Ministerial finance. That will decrease with the increase of the country’s confidence in itself, and the decrease of its confidence in Ministers.

They are doing infinite mischief by propounding foolish theories in the name of selfreliance. The banking returns show that to be nonsensical. The deposits have increased from L 13,910,000 to L 13,981,000, but there is the fact that the banks are giving 5 per cent for fixed deposits. What prospect is there in that for a policy of borrowing in the country. He goes on to Protection, and ridicules it with quotation of various instances, which bring him to the conclusion that prosperity does not depend on tariffs, Labour Bureaux, but upon the industry and capacity of the people. He objects to the Public Trust Office as the centre of everything, without any guarantee of any sort. A Civil servant at the head. Why no Civil servant can now call his soul his own. Cries of ‘ No, no,’ and ‘ Yes, ye 3 ’ interrupt him. He holds on wich his criticism of sweeping everything into the Public Trust Office. From that he gets to the Insurance Funds—guaran' tees 1 Rubbish ! The Treasurer simply wants to get his hands on them, Hf ftl§9 to

get hold of the sums left by will to minors. He wants to borrow L 50.030 a year on the purchase of Native lands —in passing Mr Holies ton approves the proposal to pay in debentures, and better still in interminable annuities. The Treasurer wants to make the Public Trust Office something more than a trust investment office and something less than a bank.

Of the principal of buying land for settlement he approves, but he is down on the details of the Government measure, and he very much doubts whether the demand for land is anything like what has been represented; quoting instances in support. .From this excursion he gets back to the Trust Office. *We are beginning to get the State to undertake too much he runs rapidly over the list of Public Trust investments that are failures. Re illy the Government ought to have a committee of business men to advise them. He predicts that the whole of this Public Trust Office —which is a machine for indirect borrowing—will fall to pieces presently like a house of cards.

The Native lands give him the opportunity to declare that the work begun by the late Government must be done. The North Island wants good titles, not like those of the East Coast so lately exposed. The late Government made an arrangement which has been carried off by a political squabble about the appointment of a Supreme Court Judge.

At half-past 8 Mr Rolleston sketches the Land Question with failing voice and unflagging critical faculty ; he reviews the property tax administration ; he gets back to his sketch of the Public Works Policy. He has a slight skirmish with the Government benches ; he criticises the number of Ministers in violation of the law and of the understanding that was come to when the reduction was made in the numbers of the House. That is, he maintains, inconsistent with the reference of another great constitutional principle to the Privy Council. About that, he says the whole thing ought to have been settled in the country. He himself would have voted against increasing the number of the Judges. A simple Act of one simple clause would have settled the constitutional question once and for all. ' They have, sir, made the Supreme Court a battle-ground of parties.' ‘An autocrat strutting about bedizened with the feathers of a spurious Liberalism.’ That is what Mr Rolleston has to say about the Premier’s communication to the Agent-General about the Governorship. From the Governor to the Council is but a step, and that step he takes, making all the criticisms which have appeared on his side for some months past. Then he complains of the sins of omission in the Statement. Charitable . aid, education buildings, and other things are left in the dark, though the Estimates are brought down. Moreover, how is it possible to discuss the expenditure of Consolidated Revenue on public works when the Public Works Statement has not been made. And that brings him to his carefully-prepared peroration— ‘ Diluted State Socialism/ ' State interference at every turn from the cradle to the grave/ ‘Not possessing the element of permanence * —these and other expressions reach us, and the end comes with the aspiration for something ‘ free from the hand of the spoiler/ The Opposition give their leader prolonged applause as he sits down at ten minutes to nine.

Mr Ward rises promptly to reply* He finds his friend inconsistent, and says rapid words about it. These words get more rapid and more high as he charges him with doing more than any man in New Zealand to create class feeling and class jealousies. The Opposition say 1 No,’ while the Government men cheer. Mr Ward goes on in the same strain, Mr Rolleston firing a sullen ‘Never’ at regular intervals. The rapid voice runs fluently into the predictions of ‘gtlloping to a deficit,’ and the laudation of the surplus as the effect of the former Government’s finance. ‘jUnder which king?’ The Opposition jeer ‘You don’t understand it.’ Mr Ward understands it too well. He knows quite well that the country won’t stand any more nonsense of that kind. He comes to borrowing, keeping the Opposition lively. The hon gentleman’s friends between 1879 and 1887 borrowed nine millions. Dissent and cheers. After which he talks of the surplus. Only a matter of taxation is it ? The hon gentleman and his friends until the other day never favoured the Colony with a surplus. As one of that party he ought never to have allowed the fearful burdens he deplores so dismally to be imposed. In this and other styles he keeps at the Opposition Deader, ‘ who amaze 3 him ’ in many ways—talking about strikes, withdrawal of capital, forgetfulness of the exemptions. ‘ He really should be careful what he says, sir.' As for the alleged panic of capitalists, no man in the Colony has done more than the hon gentleman to bring that about. This point he develops at great length in immense detail. ‘Extraordinary and incorrect statements telegraphed all over the world. Who sent them? Not those who are patriotic, not those who care for the credit of the Colony. It must be those,’ Mr Ward points with his paper across the Chamber, ‘ who want to get back to these benches and stick here like limpets on a rock.’ Amazed equally is Mr Ward at Mr Rolleston’s comparison of this country financially with Australia, where so many of the investing institutions are rotten. As to protection, the House will be surprised to learn that his hon friend wa3 a member of the Ministry which, in 1881, gave the Colony Protection for the firtt time. Right through these passages the Ministerialists keep up applause, and the other side is lively with dissent. There is a lively scene. Mr Ward admits that duplicate taxation —he is speaking of the Estimates and the Opposition criticism—is not the policy of the Government. The Opposi-

iion cries out in astonishment, many of them call out, * Why didn’t the Premier say so.' Mr Ward replies that he had said quite enough. He was not going to have his hand forced by the other side. No man who respects himself would do that, he maintains, while the Opposition jeer and the Ministerialists shout with delight. He defends the Public Trust Office. Must be in touch with the Government of the country; public opinion is convinced of that by the utter failure of the last Public Trustees to manage the department properly. Cheers do not prevent him from getting to the statement, which he delivers with great force, that the Civil Service was never so contented in it 3 history, having a Government determined to do it justice and protect it from uncertainty and insult, and there are more cheers when he finshes. As to the Public Trust Office, there is no borrowing in it at all. He shouts out to hi 3 friend that the Government will not borrow one shilling from it for public works. The Opposition looks keenly across for what is coming. We propose to lend every penny of that money to small farmers at low rates of interest..,. A prolonged round of applause is kept up by the clapping Ministerialists. Mr Ward copes with the demand for land and quotes sales at enormous sums. Mr Rollesbon protests that his instances show that in his part of the country no land has bean bought except by adjoining proprietors. Mr Ward insists. He quotes again, and cannot understand that his friend should say that there is no demand for land. He gets to the constitutional comparison. He reads from the Edwards judgment * misleading the House, perhaps he is misled himself, certainly he is misleading the country,’ he says as his people cheer him. The point of the judgment as given by the highest authority was that the Government had no right to appoint a Judge without salary. Will the lion gentleman dare to say that a Government cannot appoint a Minister without salary ? Why, the cases are the very opposite of one another, and the hon gentleman ought to know it. Mr Ward throws all this, and more, with great spirit at the other side, and is repeatedly cheered. As to the peroration so denunciatory of the Fnancial Statement, Mr Ward mentions all the leading Opposition papers and throws them at the peroration. Those journals, sir, place the interests of New Zealand first, and place party politics last. That is why they differ so greatly from the hon gentleman. He runs through the false predictions of the Opposition about the contents of the Statement, as to borrowing, revolutionary practices, startling things, and asks why can they not frankly admit their disappointment and praise the Statement like their friends of the newspapers.

The want of official statements and information gives Mr Ward increase of spirit, if possible : fresh ammunition to keep up the fire he has been carrying on so briskly. What Government has ever brought down its Financial Statement so early in the session ? Amid the Ministerial applause he makes much use of this point, enlarging into considerable detail. After that he deals with various speeches delivered by Mr Rolleston during the recess. He defends the treatment of the sinking funds, meets the points of the other side, refers them to a former Government if they want to criticise, and asks if anybody wants any more sinking fund. After that Me Wards chaffs Mr Rollesto (who corrects him twice), chaffs the whole Opposition, telling stories, reading extracts from newspapers. One after the other the men on the Opposition benches laugh with him good humouredly. Very effectually he tells the story of the disappointed member who was driven out of the House by the announcement in the Statement that the Government were not goiDg to borrow. There are cries of * Name/ but Mr Ward finishes the story without complying, to the great amusement of the House. He becomes serious ; details the policy of the Government; defends the Minister of Lands ; has a great deal to say about the Labour Bureau, which has prevented the want of employment this winter —a happy state of things never experienced in the Colony in any previous winter. From that Mr Ward gets back to chaff—takes Mr Fish as he goes along, tells him airily that he is sorry he did not answer his question about the salary. But he will do so now.

Mr Fish looks across wondering. ‘ Yes, sir. I had intended to draw the salary in order to hand it over to the hon member.'

There is much laughter, and at half-past 10 Mr Ward gets down and his people applaud him loudly, many of the Opposition joining in the hand clapping. Mr Rolleston rises very angry to make a personal explanation, in the course of which he tells how he had given a summary of his speech to some one connected with the Press Association and the Lyttelton Times for press purposes only, That any one else had seen this was disgraceful to the Press Association, the Lyttelton Times, and the Government which used the information. Mr Speaker asks him to withdraw the adjective, which he docs. Further remarks of his make Mr Reeves ask if he refers to him as the person who did this thing. ‘ Yes ’ come rapping back. Mr Ward says a few words denying the cor rectness of Mr Rolleston’s references to him in this matter, and then Mr Reeves explains that lie was on the East Coast of the North Island travelling when this happened; he could not have seen the reporter, and as a matter of fact he never communicated with him or with anybody else in the Times office on the subject. Mr Rolleston frankly accepts the explanation, is sorry if he has wronged the hon gentleman, and fflds by declaring that the Minis*

try collectively is responsible. How did they know that the document quoted was in his handwriting ? They mu3t clear themselves of all implication in the discreditable thing. AFTER SUPPER. Mr Hutchison carries on the debate, expressing disappointment with Mr* Ward—nothing but recrimination. The speech has shaken confidence in him, but still he is perhaps the beat man on those benches. Mr Hutchison’s clear tones and neat periods are applauded by the Opposition as he criticises the surplus, pointing at the Supplementary Estimates ; at the travelling expenses, which he touches in vitriolic style; as he defends the Leader of the Opposition; as he discovers a borrowing policy in the Public Trust system; as he calls a certain proposed committee a featherbed for the Ministry to fall on, a bed covered with the feathers of the Ministerial geese. He deals with the withdrawal of capita], criticises the Premier’s refusal to give particulars of his illustration, declares that money has increased in value during the last twelve months, has much to say about foreign capital, while the Opposition say • Hear, hear,' he lectures Mr Reeves about

‘social pests,’ he ploughs through |the Statement. The Government is only inviting all the out-of-works of Australia to come over and be previded for. * Work is to be found for all,’ he reads ; the consolidated fund is to be used ‘to feed the unemployed'—we can't call them labourers. Mr Hutchison reads the newspaper excerpt in the Financial Statement, and makes sarcastic comments, which the Opposition find delightful. He dwells a long time on the subject of the land, discovers that the * freehold is in danger,' and has much to say on that subject, as also on that of Socialism and Socialists. The dangers in this Statement have abolished party distinctions, as Formerly understood. It is now a question of a Government of order and a Government of disorder. The Opposition greet his close with cheers. Mr Guinness congratulates the Government on the state of the finances ; he challenges comparison with their Land Administration ; he lauds the Land and Income Tax ; has much to say of a determined character about the withdrawal of capital ; defends the new departure in the matter of the insurance companies, approves the finding of employment for all. He insists that interest has not gone up, he faces the other side, he declares that as much money can be had as anyone likes at the rates of interest ruling a year ago. The Opposition cry ‘No,* the Ministerialists cheer. The Labour Bureau’s success (No soup kitchens, sir, as in former years), the co-operative works, engage much of his attention, the latter getting an illustration from the Midland Railway Company—Mr Duthie says ‘ all imagination.’ ‘I am giving you absolute facts,’ retorts Mr Guinness, and his people cheer. Then he gets to perpetual lease, and keeps there singing its praises for some time. At a quarter to one he finishes a slashing speech, and gets a great round of applause from the Ministerialists. Mr Allen moves the adjournment.

TUESDAY, JULY 19.

AFTERNOON. Mr Rhodes further breaks the stillness already broken by the plashing of the rain on the windows. Mr Rhodes has a grievance, the Order Paper has a question most detrimental to him, asking whether he has * exercised valueless land scrip to a large amount.’ Mr Rhodes is very angry, as he explains that everything done by everybody was done in perfect good*- faith. Mr Scobie Mackenzie mouths out a vigorous protest about a slander which has had three days’ currency, and thinks he has got hold of a point of order, a not uncommon position with him. Mr Speaker apologises for having allowed the word 1 valueless ’to appear on the Order Paper. Mr Meredith, who had put the question on the Paper, explains that his only object was to give Mr Rhodes an opportunity for explaining away reports about him. What he means by valueless is scrip that remains after L 530 worth have been exercised, that being the limit fixed by law. Now he avers that some L9OO worth of s’rip (STorth Island scrip) have been exercised in Canterbury. He is much jeered by the Opposition. Another question gets somehow mixed up this one. Mr Rhodes, who admits that he has been s ung into complaint by the appearance of Mr Meredith’s question on the Onh*r Paper, raises the question of privilege. Mr -mith, the Government whip, threatened him last Thursday that if he opposed any Government Bill in his capacity of member of the Joint C onvnittee, he would find himself suffering. Mr Smith declares that the matter bet ean them was merely personal, a sort of ‘ If you oppose my Bills as you have a right to, I will oppose yours.* Mr Seobie Mackenzie puts his oir in and tries hard and tries long to pull it, but the Speaker, who is very meek and very patient, eventually rules him out. For some time, however, the two que>tions g> rolling on together, and then they vanish as suddenly as they appeared. The formalities keep up for some time, a buzz tempered by a protest from Mr Taylor against being prevented from making aspeech. After the formalities, Mr Fish, who is not satisfied with the answer to his question about why the Lands Department has not advertised in the Dunedin Evenin') Star, moves the adjournment of the House. He reads correspondence between the Star’s manager and the olficers of the Department. He argues that the correspondence proves the Minister of Lands has ‘ boycotted ’ a political opponent with a large circulation in favour of a friend who has no circulation at all. He reads the Minister a lecture, and threatens him with the withdrawal of his personal friendship. Mr Valentine follows with ‘ waste of public money/ ‘ subsidising worthless friends/ the impossibility of getting a look at any correspond mce. Mr Mackenzie objects that he

never refused any correspondence. Mr Valentine quotes Mr Rhodes. When the Minister gets up he accuses the other sirle of wasting time, and is met by protest and determined denial, and then he has a brush with Mr Rhodes. ‘ I have nothing to do with the Audit Department,’ he says, and he asks Mr Rhodes if he has ever refused him any correspondence. Mr Rhodes will not say ‘ Yes’ or ‘ No.’ He gets rather angry as he reads the answer he has had from the Audit Department. There is interchange of question and answer, and the Minister goes on.

He explains that economy forbids the employing of all newspapers as advertising mediums ; the Daily Times, an opposition paper, the Witness, a weekly, also in opposition, get the advertisement 3 . If the Star got them and not the Globe, then the one Ministerial paper would be cut out. Moreover, he thinks more people in the country at least read the Globe than the Star. . Afcer this the whole question of the land scrip under the Forest Planting Act comes on the scene, and holds place fora long time. _ Mr Seddon refers to the transactions associated with the name of the Hon J. B. Whyte, and has to withdraw reference to a member of another place, but goes all the harder for the transactions. Sir «Tohn Hall and the others who follow defend Mr Rhodes from all implication, Mr Seddon concurring, but none of them say a word in defence of the transactions. Mr Seddon speaks at great length, and warmly, about these transactions. Sir John Hall goes through the subject of the correspondence'ana the Rhodes case, and gets back! to the newspaper advertising, which he treats with bland acerbity. Mr Buckland gives us a scene. He accuses the Buller Lion of worshipping the golden calf. The Lion interjects with that light brogue of his that ‘ There’s only one calf in this House.’ There are roars of laughter, and of course a point of order. The Speaker rule* the Lion out of order, and then on his remonstrance rules him in again. Mr Buckland declares with flushed face that any statement of that kind made outside the House he would reply to with a blow, and the Speaker rules him out of order. Points of order bring a dozen men to their feet, who presently collapsing, are followed by the Lion, who offers to tell the whole story and let the Speaker rule. * The lion member for Manukau said that I was worshipping the golden calf. I said there was only one calf in this House. That is the whole of what occurred, he leaves it to the Speaker to declare whether he is in or out of order. There is laughter, and the discussion goes on. It gets to the newspaper question again, the Edwards case comes in, Clutha foams over ‘ jobs ’ and i 9 called to order, and withdraws in peppery fashion, and half-past 5 comes without a stroke of business for the afternoon. EVENING. We have the debate once more, Mr_ Allen taking the floor. Mr Allen is assertive in that mildly certain and never to be deceived manner of his. He throws down a challenge at the outset. The freehold is the pet of New Zealand ; if the Government objects let them go to the country and try. ‘Hear, hear’ comes pealing round him from various Opposition coigns of vantage. Flushed, with that euccesi he attacks the insurance proposals, and then * ventures to say ’ a great many things; amongst others that the Treasurer is a mere child in finance ; he has searched the Treasurer, he has plumbed the depths of the Financial Statement, and he ventures to say that any child could see that who reads the Statement with moderate intelligence. The newly-elected of Bruce gives some extracts in ‘corroboration.’ He holds up ‘errors in verbiage,’ he manages to lash himself up into a state of excitement with these ‘ errors in verbiage ' and the ‘ far more serious mistakes ’ which he dwells upon. He 1 ventures to say' that the Statement reminds him of his schoolboy period, to which he alludes as ‘ in old days,' it is like a pudding which in that far off time was known as a ‘ fig-a-mile’ pudding. His friends open their lips for the first time since they cheered his challenge. They ask in wonder what that extraordinary thing may be. He turns upon them with extended arm—‘Fig-a-mile pudding,’ he says in a lofty way as though pitying their ignorance, and out of consideration f »r their weakness he repeats the ‘ fig-a-mile ’ unt ; l they seem to understand, and then he elaborates his idea. At the end of the first half hour he gets to the first paragraph of tin Statement, and begins to plough his way laboriously through, when he gets to the unemployed, ‘ never so many in the summer time,’ the Opposition hear, hear him with pleasure. So they do when he sneers at the ‘ self-reliance.’ Exodus ? Twice as much, he says, in the first year of those gentlemen’s tenure of office as in the last Atkinson year. He refers to tin present year. The Minister of Educa'ion objects to his method of putting things. Mr Allen sticks to his gun®, pulling nut figures and reading. The funds out of which came the surplus and the people out of whose finance came tin surplus, he dwells on a little. Paid off L 200,0 0 of the floating debt? Ihe Treasurer promised ;".nnw, sir, has he done so? No. He said himself t.he other evening that he hasp i 1 <>f oi.lv 1.100,000. Reductions of expenditure? Equally wron sir. An actual increase of 1,17,500. As might be expected from men who, instead of doing their duty, go electioneering. . . He gives an instance most impress-ve y. The Mims’er of Mines was electioneering when he ought to have been at wo»k here in Wellington, went to the Bruce election and forgot to instruct the post-masters to receive the moneys due to the mining o unpanies under the accident provisions of the law He goes through the vaiious items of expenditure, getting an occasional rise out of the other side. He dec’ares that all the selfreliance provisions of the Financial Statement of 1888 are being systematically reversed ; that nothing can be more illusory than the ptovi-ion for Public Works —a surplus which m <y be a burst bubble at any moment —that a grand opportunity has been lost of reducing taxation ; that the country is to be ‘ taxed and taxed to make Public Works out of the Consolidated Fund.’ The public debt holds him fascinated. Instead of tlmre being a net decrease of 1,117,000, there is an increase of some L 370,000. The Treasurer, in his desire to use his own ‘ verbiage,’ it seems, has forgotten to allow for some sinking funds he has used in reduction of debt. Then the floating debt, as exemplified in the Treasury bills, have increased. R 1 r Allen 1 ventures to think ’ that all this is u dreadful blow to the Treasurer’s financial reputation. He says, when he has done worrying the debt, but not the Treasurer, that he fears he will have soon to stop; it is half-past eight, and nobody on either side contradicts that statement. But, instead of stopping, Mr Allen goes off into denunciation of financial

jugglery and kindred subjects ; he sketches the items of departmental expenditure, refers to the supplementary estimates, and * ventures to think ’ that there will be a terrible increase in the expenditure of the year. He gets back to the * juggling,’ transfers of items _ from one department to another, and calling it saving ! ‘ They leave out some items from their estimates, and they class it as retrenchment/ There are cries of ‘ supplementaries ' from the Opposition benches, where this dissertation on figures is popular. On the Ministerial benches there is at times considerable talking.

Presently Mr Allen gathers himsdf together for a heavy attack on the land and income tax, denouncing the tax on improvements in good set terms and well upraised tone. The flow of eloquence is rather disturbed by cries from opposite of ‘ How about the property tax?' Mr Allen says that was very different, and the other side jeers considerably while his friends converse about things in general. After this the ‘dark clouds are gathering,’ and we learn that the Ministerial finance provides for nothing more than the current year. All the surpluses past, present and to come will be all spent bv the 31st March ! And what then, sir? Mr Allen is aghast, but nevertheless goes searchingly into the Ministerial statement that there is to be no sly borrowing. He cite 9 all kinds of things, which, in his opinion, are sly borrowing, and he gets at this point to the Trust Office, 4 the sieve through which all these moneys are to find their way to the hands of the Colonial Treasurer.’

Getting back to the insurance companies, ‘ fire and life,’ he laments the injustice proposed, predicts disaster, and denounces the limited intelligence of the Treasurer. The Testamentary Trusts Bill finds him at a loss for language of sufficient strength ; the treatment of the Maori landowners,to be forced to sell their lands by threat of taxation rouses his scorn; the Labour Bureau he regards as a thing that has cost more than is made to appear, and that may be made terribly mischievous. It has, however, made the people flock out of the country into the towns, and will he ‘ ventures to think ’ bring all the unemployed of Australia over amongst us.

He returns to the small mind of the Treasurer which is too narrow to grasp anything, except a policy of drifting without guidance. Then he starts off on his peroration, which begins with Socialism and includes a summary of all he has said in his speech. A round of applause greets him as he sits down, and gets itself prolonged in welcome of Mr Tanner, who gets up according to the arrangement, to reply. We notice the Leader of the Opposition leading the hand clapping on his side. Time, 8.55. Mr Tanner goes off with his high voice and deliberate clear enunciation at a great pace from the start, running rapidly over the charges brought against the Government, giving them brief notice each as he goes. Who are responsible for the two sessions last year? The men who, after boasting from December 5 to January 20, that they had ths majority, shrank into ignominious silence as soon as the elected of the people arrived in Wellington. It is true that a fortnight is all the former Government took under somewhat similar circumstances, but they had a cut and dried tariff from their predecessors. After that Mr Tanner refers to the ‘ Oriental pile of figures ’ of one of the members for Wellington ; he fastens Mr Allen down to his financial criticism, the surplus is bogus, yet the taxation must be reduced, it will be gone in 1893, and it will be L 339.000, and so forth. Mr Allen says ‘No, no.’ and a buzz, slightly pugnacious, goes up on both sides. Mr Tanner gets to point which gives an opening for chaff, the Opposition fall upon his flank as he goes by, and keep up a fusillade of chaff, which Mr Tanner receives without any lapse of his good-humoured earnestness. His chief point, which he soon reaches, is the demand for land. ‘ls it possible?’ he says, pointing his finger at the Opposition Leader, and peering keenly over at him, ‘is it possible that the political Cincinnatus has so completely buried himself in the depths of the Canterbury district that he has not been able to hear of the enormous demand for land/ Mr Tanner is astounded at such a thing. He knows that there is a vast demand all over Canterbury, and the Postmaster-General has proved how great a demand there is all over Otago. He reads several documents, amongst others the testimony of two presidents of the Canterbury Chamber of Commerce, who spoke in their reports of the increasing demand for farms. He shakes his papers at Mr Rolleston when he has don«, and he keeps piling up this demand for land for some time. Then he asks what did the Leader of the Opposition mean by dealaii'g that the Liberal leaders fostered and aided and abetted the strike ? He defends them with great iteration and in much detail, showing how all their care was the other way Mr Tanner then f .flows many of Mr Rolleston's points in that close, persistent, deliberate way of hs, vva chfullv stating the point and then eag.-riy pouncing upon it. •L-ft alone, in *• el V I- that all that the working men wan ? ' ; r T'nner op >es to have heatd —he has no experience himself, untie— hat the first time a young maiden is ki-ssed she invariably draws herself up to her full height and says ‘Leave me a'one/ But that he has heard means, when freely translated, ‘Do it again.’ The people of New Zealand, if they said anything at all in the lir-t instance about the new taxation, are quite ready to forgive when the second ki s exempts all their improvements. There is applause all round the House at this sally of Mr Tanner’s, after which he carries his spjeeh through s me other point® of previous spe ikers, and sits down much applauded at a quarter past 9. Dr Newman, who is also applauded as he gets up, also goes off at sc >re, falling on the fast speaker with great rapidity. An criminating paity he represents—blind enough to believe everything that comes from their leaders. As he goes on he finds many things to roughen the current of his eloquence, the biggest of these rocks that keeps the stream foaming at the outset is the Penny Postage, which the Minister did not carry out. Fie outran time and nearly exhausted eternity, did the Postm ister-General, but he never said a word about the Penny Postage. He has posed as the Roland Hill of New Zealand, as a colonial Henniker Heaton, but he never gave us the Penny Post. The promise went on to April 1, and then stopped. There has never been such a joke perpetrated on the Colony, says the Doctor indignantly. ‘This year, sometime next year, never/ That is the history of the Penny Post. Having circled in this way, as it weie, the Doctor flies straight at the Statement. ‘ A curse,’ ‘ a delusion/ ‘ a pretence/ ‘ nothing but promises/he calls it. He ridicules the plea of ‘ You expected a radical anarchic sort of thing, you have got a respectable middle-aged Conservative Statement with nothing in it/ The other side laugh. The Doctor looks astonished, and says he is ; some one explains • Conservative Statement with nothing in it,*

The Doctor goe3 on hammering the Statement. It reminds him of pages of Sandford and Merton, or Poor Richard’s Almanac. It is a ‘dressed up Statement,' with a ‘dressed up surplus,' and a ‘dressed up finance.’ everything ‘dressed up ' to catch the votes of the people of this country. But the Doctor waves his hand, and proposes, sir, to undress it a little for ‘this House,’ and this House smiles a little.

There is nothing in it but casuistry, a practice studied in the mediaeval universities, a practice by which black can be made to look like white. The Treasurer, sir, is a proficient in the art. The Doctor points his scorn by advising the hon gentleman to go to America and write puff advertisements, a class of writing exceedingly well paid. However, the Premier is not alone in this iniquity. He is but the head of his gang—his colleagues, I mean, sir.

Nevertheless, no one can read these accounts and get any useful knowledge out of them. Such an item cost L 42 13s 3d, the odd threepence is never omitted, it is relied on to make a great show of accuracy, but not a soul knows what the thing really means. Then we have a brilliant version of the argument giving the credit of the surplus to the former Government. Moreover, the surplus is the surplus of three years not one. Further, it seems to be the sale aim and object of this Treasurer, but the duties of Treasurers are more than concern the necessity of having a sur'plus. Getting to the Public Debt the Doctor bumps out the criticism of Mr Allen, lamenting that the people of this unhappy country have been deceived into regarding an increase of L 340.000 as a decrease of L 117.000. The conversions the Doctor holds up on a large sheet of paper, and shakes them at the Minister of Labour, invites that gentleman to study the increase of debt therein mentioned. Hamilton,Goschen.’Vansittart, Leroy-Beaulieu —these and many other leading authorities on conversion have laid it down that there shall be no conversion of debt above par. To convert stock at so high a price as 116 or 113, no one has ever done so unwise a thing. The Doctor hammers his point into the palm of his left hand with the index finger of the right, and, looking up, briskly challenges the Treasurer to show him one financier in the history of the world who has performed such jugglery as that. After considerable further criticism of the same kind, the Doctor says, ‘ The naked fact remains that L 340,000 have been added to the public debt/ He gets back to the surplus; it is a very creditable thing to the Treasurer, but it is only L 120,000, not L 330.000. That appears to be another naked fact. Another naked fact—a huge one—is that the audacity of the Treasurer in denying that they are go : ng to borrow is sublime. ‘ Audacity. audacity, and always audacity.’ Why the Statement is nothing but ‘ borrow, borrow, and always borrow,’ from start to finish there are strings of little naked facts in support of the big naked fact, which the Doctor cites in a long series. ‘ We have a new definition of borrowing, Mr Speaker. Whatever we borrow in London, sir, that’s a loan. But whatever we borrow in the Colony amongst ourselves, sir, why, that’s self-reliance. 5 Much laughter greets the point, the voice of Mr Fish hoarsely calls out ‘ delicious,’ and even the Government people smile. Like the man in Mark Twain's lecture the Treasurer is going to make us swallow all sorts of little things. A system of the most elaborate kiteflying, sir, known in the world. It is a fine example of what the French call ‘La Haute Finance/ The Treasurer wants to borrow money to buy Native lands, borrow money for roads, borrow for railroads, borrow for many f>urpo3e3, so that he may get five or six little oans. and then he will sell these lands to the people, take the money into the consolidated fund, and let the debts remain. In that strain the Doctor runs rapidly on, warning the House against the consequences, urging the House to rise in rebellion to place barrier on barrier, and barricade on barricade, to resist the imposition and retention of war taxation. If the House will not,the country will rise in rebellion the Doctor feels perfectly sure. He quotes the example of the Eastern States of the Union—whole country sides driven out of cultivation by large taxation. We are going straight to that high taxation which makes all the difference between solvency and the bankruptcy. It is all very well for people who live in the gilded luxury of Ministerial residences to deny the necessity for reducing taxation, to give up their anarchist principles and call for political ipst, but it is wonderful that the people stand this kind of thing. What was described as the ignorant patience of taxation of the people in England has come upon us Like Job, 1 covtred with sores’—that is how the Doctor describes the farmers of New Zealan 1. But inc-ease of taxation leads to revolutions. Looking down * the long corridor of time/ so far back as the day of King I’ehoboam. the Doctor has observed the naked facs of history. There's King Charles’ Head—that is one naked fact; there is the Ma-saohuse ts Tea Duty and the American W. r of Independence—these are two more naked f rets.

Does (he Premier know what happened to King Rehohoam after he harl made that injudic ons speech about the whips of scorpions ? The Premier ta\s nothing. The Doctor will tell him At the very next general election there was a majority against him of eleven to one. The House gets fogged over these figures, ther ' are cries of Ten to Tw \ and a buzz of c't: ff. through '• hioh the D ctor envrges unhaken, and runs imo *»id through his eroration r aching the end at ten minutes past 10 one hour, hss five minutes. There is a great hand clapping as he ends. Mr Buick, who is well received, according to the rule in this debate m vde and provided, speaks witli modest fluency, contrasting the gloomy pictures painted by the false prophets of the Opposition with the ‘ unprecedented results set forth in the Statement.' Those pessimists, Mr Buick has no doubt, thoroughly persuaded themselves they were right, and they did their best to make the Colony believe with them. That was the poison—this Statement is the antidote. In the prognostications for the future. Mr Buick sees the most hopeful sign for the Statement — ‘ a matter of calculation carefully and accurately worked ’ —the Opposition contradiction ‘ a matter of speculation without any sort of data to justify it.’ On this subject Mr Buick speaks with all the impressiveness he can crowd on to his flowing style. He presently warms up, devoting himself to the Financial Statement. He is afraid, talking of borrowing, that the only interest hi 3 district has in the borrowing of the past is the share it has to pay of the interest. He dwells on the necessity for ‘ a full and adequate honorarium ’ it is necessary for enabling the industrial classes to b 9 represented in the House; ad ling that if the honorarium is not increased he himself will have to consider his position not a thing of any moment in hia case, but in the case of * other

and better men ’ very important.. .He likes the Civil Service Bill and the principle of classification which it contains. He touches the education system; talks of settlement as the one good thing to spend public money on; agrees with Mr Rolleston that ‘ roading the country ’ is the best way to spend the surplus ; asks for a borrowing policy, not to make railways to imaginary paying points, but to make roads that the country may be settled, and he gives instances of how people come to grief for want of good communication. Supper interrupts him, and the whole House gives him a round of hand-clapping before it goes out. After the adjournment he goes on as before, and i 3 succeeded by Mr Moore. Mr Moore having received the usual applause, devotes himself to Mr Buick and others. The others have said that the Opposition have formulated no policy : as if Oppositions ever formulated policies—that is the exclusive duty of Governments. Mr Moore sees extravagance portentous in the Financial Statement and accuses Mr Buick of designs on the public purse, dealing severely with him about the honorarium. He denies that the Ministerial side has any monopoly of desire to settle the country by roads and bridges ; he ridicules the picture of prosperity presented in the Financial Statement. ‘ Thrift and energy of the people, sir,’ he says, as his gredecessors on the same side have said, and e adds, * and the prudent administration of a former Government.’ ‘The country has recognised that from one end to the other,’ he gees on to»ay. . ... Mr Moore, like his friends before him, discovers Socialism, he drops into the conversational key, more convenient to the Hansard reporters above him than to the gallery where the press representatives are. As to the House, it matters little, for the House has got very small and Is not particularly attentive. He, like his friends before him, finds there is nothing in the Statement; 4 squibs and crackers fired off by a boy ’ is his version of his party's tale. After that he too goes through the Financial Statement, and for a considerable time he says ‘Ditto, ditto’ to what has gone before. Getting back to his own ground he denounces certain appointments to the Public Service, and he makes his people laugh ; his leader, who always watches over his men and encourages them, saying * Hear, hear ’ with all his might. But Mr Rolleston looks sleepy, and. the faithful few who have remained round him — Sir John Hall, Mr Harkness, Mr Bruce, who are all recumbent, look sleepy also, a 3 also does Mr Duthie, who is sitting up with an air of fading heroism. On the other side, the Premier and Mr McLean hold the fott in weary grandeur, and wonderful to behold, the Labour members a*-e gone,all but Mr E. M. Smith,behind whom sits Mr Lake looking as fresh as paint. When Mr Moore finishes, the faithful few draw round him and say complimentary things, while Mr W. O. Smith moves the adjournment, which is carried. Time, 12.55.