THE FEDERATION CONFERENCE.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 937, 14 February 1890, Page 22

THE FEDERATION CONFERENCE.

Sy Electric Telegraph.—Copyright. (per press association.) •te Melbourne, February 7. The Federation Conference reserves the right of excluding the press when in committee. The following is the full text of Sir H. Parlies’ notice ©f motion : “ That in the opinion of the Conference the best interests and the present and future prosperity of the Australian colonies will be promoted by their early union under the Crown, and while fully recognising the valuable services of the members of the Convention held in 1883 in founding the Federal Council, this Conference declares its opinion that the seven years which have since elapsed have developed the national life of Australia in population, in wealth, in the discovery of resources, and in selfgoverning capacity to an extent which justifies the higher act, at all times contemplated, of the union of these colonies in one legislative and executive government, based upon principles just to the several colonies.”

Mr Deakin’s notice of motion is, “That members of this Conference shall take such steps as are necessary to induce the the Legislatures of their respective colonies to appoint delegates to a National Convention, to consist of a certain number of members from each of the selfgoverning colonies, and a certain number from the ether Crown colonies ; that as it is apparent some time must elapse before a Federal Constitution is obtained, and as it is desirable that united action should be taken to provide military defence and other urgent matters, it is advisable that the federal Council should be employed for such purpose.” The official banquet in connection with the Federation Conference was held in Parliament House last night. The Queen’s Hall, which was decorated with unusual magnificence for the occasion, presented a brilliant spectacle. His Excellency the Governor, the Earl of Hopetoun, was present. The guests numbered about two hundred, and included the leading citizens of the colony. The Premier, Mr Gillies, in proposing the health of the Governor, said they had met for the purpose of ascertaining how far their hopes and aspirations jus ified them in believing that they weie in the position to make some suggestion which would enable them to see if they were convinced that the time was ripe to unite the colonies in a great federation. If they were enabled to come to a conclusion at the present moment that the time was ripe for appointing a convention to deal with the matter. Federation would have greatly advanced the interests of the whole of Australia and the Old Country —for if ever the occasion arose they would be only too glad to render assistance to the Empire in the capacity of a United Australia. Lord Hopetoun’s response was excellently delivered, and was well received. It was characterised by strong sympathy with the cause of a United Australia, but he carefully refrained from entering into any details of any probable Federation scheme. He took occasion to strongly emphasise the belief that Feder ation, so far from weakening the bonds of the Empire, would, as in the case of Canada, render these Colonies under a Dominion Government more loyal in their attachment to the Mother Country. This expression of opinion was received with prolonged cheering. Mr Service made a long speech in proposing the toast of “United Australia,” a huge part being taken up by an explanation of the origin and operations of the Federal Council. In regard to this, his most important remark was a distinct admission that the Federal Council had been a comparative failure. Though he did not quarrel with New South Wales for its abstention from the Council, he attributed its non success entirely to the action of the mother colony, without whose co-operation success was impossible. He predicted that ip the event of any federal scheme being adopted as the result of the Conference, comparative failure would ngain result i£ any imporjiapt colony refrained from <XQ-.operating. ,Gpe of his most emphatic declarations,, arid one which called forth prolonged cheering, was that under Federation we must have no border customhouses. Mr Service clearly indicated that ip his opinion any scheme of Federation which' perpetuated the present system of provincial protection would be downright absurdity. Re had fepapd of federated .colonies without federated government, but never in the history of the wotfA fes4 fee heard of federated governments without pnjform customs. Border ensfoinfeousns W&& not pply the symbol but the real harrier pf s.epara.tiop. The people of these eoJopi.es wonld have to be' able to travel from g&ghii to ocean without hindrance. He ridiculed any suggestion of calling into existence a Federal Parliament, which should be told that it must withhold its hands from interfering with the customs tariffs for any number of years. The moment that body was created it should exercise full powers of Dominion Parliament for the federated nation. SIR H. PARKES J REPLY. Sir H. Parkes, on rising to respond, was greeted with demonstrative applause. He said : “1 feel in a peculiar manner honoured by being asked to respond to the toast, not on my own seeking, but upon representations of your Fi'inae

Minister. It was at !iis instance I consented to undertake the responsibility of replying. In this human world of ours, so full of wise designs and so full of human ills, much is planned which fails. Nothing is more certain than the delusions which lead men on to neglect their opportunities. We are told indeed that on the eve of the terrific convulsions which shattered France to atoms and startled the world, life in fashionable circles went on as usual. There was marrying and giving in marriage, merry-making and holding high festival. Until the hidden elements burst assunder no one supposed they were treading upon the brink of a precipice—an abyss not closed to this day. Perhaps only the far-seeing students and philosophers of history can see what is being attempted at the present moment. The general people of the Australasian Colonies are going on with bartering and merrymaking without considering the immensity of what can only occur once in the world’s history. There cannot be two birthdays of a national existence in this country. Australia, with such ample space, with such inviting varieties of soil and clime, with such wealth hidden in the soil, and with such unrivalled richness in the soil itself, and with people occupying the soil, un equalled by any in the whole range of the human race in creative properties. What is there impossible to them ? A calculation 1 have been enabled to make shows that (including New Zealand) we only want 200,000 to make 4,000,000 of people. That is a basis for a national life ; if not, there never will be national life. Four millions of all of British origin, knitted to the soil by ties of birth, parentage, friendship, life, marriage, and the ties of children. If they are not capable of making a nation of a United Australia, wby, we are not fit hardly to occupy this bounteous country.”

Sir Henry Parkes, continuing his remarks, said": “Success cannot descend upon the industrial classes of any portion of the Australasian territory without affecting the prosperity of the whole group. We know it is a wise dispensation thatr these large colonies sprang into existence to fight their own battles independently ; but the time has arrived when they are no longer isolated, struggling communities. The crimson thread of kinship runs through us all—even the native-born Australians are Britons as much as those . born in London or Newcastle. We all know the value of that British origin ; and we know we represent a race which in settling new countries never had its equal on the face of this earth. We know that the acquisition of territory and civilising communities is a far more noble and immortalising achievement than any acquisition accomplished by feat of arms. As separated communities we have fought our own way, we have had rivalries at times which I dare say degenerated into antagonism. That is natural enough, but on the whole I don’t believe the thoughtful men of Victoria ever lost sight of the good qualities: of the men in New South Wales, nor that the people of the other colonies ever lost an interest in legitimate enterprise, and the fine emulation of the people of Victoria. What may he said of Victoria may also be said of Queensland, South Australia, Tasmania, and New Zealand. Whatever we were in 1883, to-day we are nearly four million souls. Is there a man living in any part of Australia who will say that it will be to the advantage of the whole of the colonies to remain separated by petty animosities, with border customhouses, and with all those feuds which border customs generate until the end of time ? I don’t believe there is a sane man in the whole population of Australasia who would say such an absurd thing. If that is admitted the question is reduced to its very limits, and it follows that some time or other we must unite as one great Australian people. Let those who are opposed to the union point out any advantage to be gained by delay. Is it possible for human intellect to conceive any advantage likely to arise from a delay ? Don’t we all see that delay will only make the difficulties all the greater ? If this reasoning is correct, we have now arrived at a time when we are fully justified by all laws which regulate the growth of free communities to unite under one Government and one flag.. United Australia means to me no separation from the Empire. (Loud and continued cheering.) It means to me no attempt to create some separate political organisation. Admitting as I do that the interests of the people of Australia ought to be the first object of concern and consideration, still I say that opr interests pjust not b t e prompted by any rash thoughtlessness, and create a separation froife tlßt ' grapd pld country of which we are all so proud. (Cheers.) Free coin m unities pjLUsJ} bay.e a gliding head, and I would JiKe tO a# any thoughtful student of history what auprprpp head they could have mop 4 httraejtjyp, piope ip consonance with the true principles pf liberty, than a Sovereign under whose beneficent reign more improvements have been carried out for the amelioration of the human race than in the reign of any other Sovereign on the face of the earth. There is no reign of any emperor, king, potentate of any caste of character, which includes such tremendous advantages and improvements to the whole world for the spread of Christian civilisation and for the increasing happiness to the masses of the human race to such an extent as the reign of Yiotoria. A national life must be

a broad river of living water. . Your fiscal notion is like urifco. tiie planting -of a few stones or the cutting of a sandbank to direct the current so as to conserve your own ends. The question of tariff is a mere dwarf compared with the great overshadowing question of a living and eternal national existence. The warmest advocate of Freetrade and Protection must, after all, admit that it is to a large extent a device for carrying out human notions, but there is no human notion about eternal life for a free nation. What I understand by United Australia is the sinking of all subordinate questions. New South Wales is prepared, and I answer for her Parliament and people, to go into this national union without making any bargain whatever —without stipulating for any advantage whatever to ourselves, but trusting to the good faith, intelligence and justice of the Federal Parliament. We can answer for the great colony that it is prepared to co operate with at least some sacrifice to bring about the great consummation we all so devoutly wish, and we pray that God will give his strength to rise above this sectional strife, and view the destiny of our common country in the light of future history, and that we shall try as best wo may, and we are anxious to join with our neighbours in trying every way to create this United Australia, which you are in favour of as much as I am. We are trying to create it, and we trust to the future the disposal of those smaller ques • tions which should not now have weight in arriving at a consummation. My colleagues come here with no preconceived notion, with no binding instructions, but to enter in good faith into consultation with the rest of the members and of the gentlemen now representing seven colonies, to rise to the dignity of the question challenging our attention. There can be no doubt whatever of the result ; but, after all, the determination rests with the population of the colonies, whatever may be done in Cabinets or by Conferences. Depend upon it the question has been opened, and it will be expanded wider and wider. Light has been throw-n on it ; volumes of new light will be thrown on it as the days roll on ; and, when the people of this country make up their minds to be united, nothing is strong enough on the face of this earth to keep them asunder. Suppose we are a United Australasia, we will be able to command the respect of the world as a united nation. Every colony would be better off, for by this union no injury could result to any fair claim or honest interest, and I am altogether in favour of losing no time in bringing about this United Australasia. All examples of history are in our favour, and the only difficulties that can arise will come from our unfortunate separation, which we all deplore, but these are difficulties which are to benefit all. These can be got rid of, and suppose our difficulties were ten times as great they should not deter us when our object is so worthy of achievement. (Applause.) But seeing no difficulties at all in the things which are looked steadily in the face, why should we delay bringing about a union which thoughtful men, not only here but in other parts of the world, interested in the progress of the British race, believe would redound to our credit and advantage, Our countrymen in the United States are looking at this movement with the keenest interest, and if the thoughtful men of Great Britain, America and Austral ia look at the question this way, can we have a better guarantee that wo are right ? Unless it can be shown that at some stated period we shall be in a better position, I say this is the time to bring about a United Australia. Irrespective of the Conference, 1 wish to make it know r n to the world that so long as I have power I shall not cease to labour to bring about this noble end. I have no doubt that this representative meeting reflects the sentiment of the colonies, and that the time has come when we ought to appear before the world as United Australasia.” Upon Sir Henry rising to speak, the whole company stood up and cheered him for several minutes. Similar demonstrations were accorded him during the course of his speech, and when he sat down three cheers were loudly called for and most enthusiastically given. The proceedings closed with the toast of the Chairman. It is understood that Sir Henry Parkes will make a lengthy speech in moving his resolution, and it was this consideration which led the Conference to adjourn, owing to his indisposition. His speech is naturally looked forward to as the speech of the .Conference, and the debate will be commenced after the speech has been printed and distributed. Thp Speaker of the Legislative Assembly ( ehtertciips the delegates at bis rejQandenong Ranges, to-morrow. Sir Henry Parkeg was not very w.elj last' night, an 4 ’ the strain of tbe Jong speech, combined with the intensely hot weather, prostrated him. IVlelbqurne, February 8. Sir Henry Parkes was indisposed this ipprning apd qnable to ipoye his resolution at the Federation Conference, As his resolution was the first business to be brought forward to-day, the Conferenceadjourned until Monday. The delegates to the Federation Conference were entertained by the Earl of Hopetoun at Government House last night. Melbourne, February 9. Sir Henry Parkes’ condition yesterday was considered very serious, but the danger has now passed over. He ia

rapidly recovering and hopes to be well enough to attend the Conference tomorrow.

The prospects of a thorough unanimity of Federal ion are considered to be not quite so good as on Thursday. The stumbling block seems to be a desire of some, if not of the majority of the delagates, to establish a customs union with the least possible delay. Mr D. Gillies, Premier of Victoria, has not wavered in the slightest degree towards Sir Henry Parkes’ views, and it is believed that the delegates from South Australia and Western Australia have not readily fallen in with the views of either Mr Gillies or Sir Henry Parkes. Melbourne, February 10.

The Federation Confei-ence met at 11 a.m. to-day, all the delegates being present. Sir H. Parkes moved a resolution of which he had given notice, and expreased regret that his absence through illness had prevented his moving io before. He began by referring to the Select Committee which sat in Victoria 33 years ago, which he said gave the first impetus toward Australian federation. The object of that Committee he described as of public importance and redounding to their honour, and it was in that spirit the present movement was being carried on. If the colonies had acted on their report at the time it was made, something more than mere rivalry would have been avoided. The whole question of federation was then discussed, and it was thought by the Committee that it was not too soon to take action in the matter. All he could say now was said by the Committee of the Victorian Assembly within one year after the introduction of responsible Government. If anyone would take the trouble to examine the records of the different colonies, they would find, without any excessive exercise of imagination, that in the very first year of their freedom the thoughts of the very ablest men were turned to the question of federation. Coming to the Convention of 1883, he was much struck with the views of Mr Service, who then had in contemplation, as he had now, the establishment of a Federal Parliament. Thirty-three years ago a Legislative Union was spoken of, and Mr Service, beyond all doubt, entertained exactly the same idea. With regard to the Federal Council, they must not lose sight of the doctrines of the development going on through the instrumentality of that body, which, doubtless, made itself thoroughly conversant with the present great question. The necessary development of ideas had been going on, but further than that all the elements of national life had increased, and there was not one Colony which had not felt a wonderful stimulus from education and refined manners, under which they were not only now in a condition to favourably contrast with other nations in the world, but would compare creditably with them. If an investigation could bemadeitwould be foundthatthrough their educational system there were more readers of higher literature in every thousand than in a similar section of the population in Great Britain. Through the foresight and creative skill of the working people they had now reached a very high state, and were not behind in all the higher civilisation of society. According to the best information the population of Australasia was now 3,842,800 souls, of whom 2,656,000 were in Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland. He remembered the severance of Queensland and Victoria, and considered it as an advancement of national thought. As showing what population had done, the value of the industrial products of a single year from local industries was no less than L 92,042,000. If they took the private wealth of the people, not including public wealth in railways and lands, but merely that owned by private citizens, they would find they would compare favourably with the great European nations. For instance, he would compare them with the five great nations. In Austria the amount per head was Ll 6 16s ; in Germany, Ll 5 14s ; in France, L 25 14s ; in the United Kingdom, L 35 4s ; in the United States, L 39 ; while in Australasia the wealth of the nation averaged L4B per head. In reality they stood at the head of the world in the distribution of wealth. It was not that there were a few families revelling in luxury, while the mass of people was povertystricken. It was evenly distributed, and in that respect Australasia stood at the head of the world. That they had progressed rapidly was well known, and had hardly to be referred to. Let us see what this peace-loving people had done for the defence of their shores. Their united army numbered 31,291 men, and this army yras constituted with due regard to military service, as" they had it distributed among the principal sections, From a military aspect, not only had, they grown in numbers to an extent which would, amply justify them in thinking of building themselves into a nation, hut they had wealth, a,nd it was impossible for. it to. exist were it not tor the well directed energies which preated it, country in the world was so wealthy as Australia. The systems of education had been brought into existence, embracing the children of all families. Under their forms of government education was carried to an extent which, if it had not done so much, would be a marvel to themselves. Making allowance for mistakes, they had done things to such an extent as to provoke the admiration of other countries. If they were fitted in 1857 to enter

into federation, how much more were they now ? If not now, when would they be ? It was obligatory on people who would contend they were not ripe now to say when the Colonies would be ready, and in what degree they would be better off. They had been told there was a lion in the path, but there was none whatever that had to be overcome excepting in the elements created by themselves. The principle of divine goodness which exists and overrules the world has created this fair land for a grand experiment in human life. There was no lion or difficulty before them. The path was as plain and bright as their genial sun, and without impediment. If they were only wise they could agree among themselves, if they acknowledged kinship and subordinated all lower considerations to build up a power which would command more respect in the world than any other thing which could be accomplished in so short a time —than any great achievement was ever accomplished before. They could not, however, become a naLion and cherish any provincial object which was inconsistent with that nationality. They had grown in population and wealth as he had proved, and had wonderfully shown a capacity for selfgovernment. He would try and prove how much better the people would be with federation. Numberless sources of wealth would be developed by one powerful Government which were not likely to be touched by any provincial Government at present. Notably there were fisheries, of which none now knew the extent. Under one management they would be developed to an extent not likely in any other way. Then there was the lighting and survey of the coast, which would be better accomplished. The means of communication would be greatly advanced under the uniform power of a central Governmeut. There were many other things to be considered. They could not hope to be free from molestation from outside. He prayed Australia would for ever remain at peace, but much as they might desire it they knew that when nations were at war there was only one law—that of force. Sir Henry concluded a speech of an hour and quarter by submitting his* resolution in the full belief it would meet with the approval of the majority of the people of all the colonies. When the little outburst of applause had died away Mr Deakin briefly seconded the motion. Sir S. Griffiths (Queensland) said there could be no difference of opinion as to the desirableness of Federation. He did not feel alarmed at Mr Service’s bogey—the lion in the path. No doubt there were obstacles, but he did not think they were insuperable. If they could not get all they wanted, they should take what they could get. The tariff should not be allowed to stand in the way. • They should have a Federal Government—even although only with limited power, still let them have it.

Mr Playford (South Australia) was not satisfied with ordinary or common federation. What was more desired was that New South Wales and Victoria should answer one or two questions before they made up their minds to join hands. They wanted to know why Sir H. Parkes did not introduce a Chinese Restriction Bill, which he promised to bring in, and which all the other colonies had passed. After this omission, he had just a suspicion of the sincerity of Sir H. Parkes’ proposals. He also desired to know why Victoria, which was the first to build up a customs barrier between the colonies, should now be so elastic in her desire to remove it. Sir H. Parkes undertook to relieve Mr Playford’s mind regarding the Chinese Biill.

Mr Playford desired it to be distinctly understood that the Canadian form of federation would not suit South Australia. Moreover, the latter was perfectly loyal to the Mother Country, and would fight for her at any time at short notice. In conclusion he said : “ We want federation, but we want to know of what sort.” Mr Deakin bantered Mr Playford and hinted that South Australia had shown Victoria the sincerest form of flattery by imitating her action of setting up customhouse barriers. He pointed out that Victoria, being a separate state, had only herself to consider in the past, and in consequence had done what she believed to be the best for herself, as all the other colonies did. There would be no doubt as to the advisableness of federation. He knew there was a desire for it in Victoria, and what was more, he. knew the people of Victoria were prepared, to make, sacrifices to obtain it. H-e tbought the common, thread, ot- kinship would prove something more, than a thread—it would bind them closer than bonds of steel;. Mr Deakin dealt at considerable, length, with the. advantages' of Federation,, abd during the course of an eloquent speech declared himself thoroughly in accord with the mover of the resolution. The Conference then adjourned till next morning. Melbourne, February 11, At the Conference yesterday Sir H. Parkes said it seemed to him that what was required was a central Government to frame laws by which the whole of the group should be governed, such Government to have an executive body with full power to administer such laws under a carefully-framed constitution. The example of America should be a warning that States under the Act of Federation had attempted the work without a proper constitution, but had utterly failed. Nothing short of a complete constitution would serve the purpose they had in YiffiY

in Australia, and he would repeat that America had failed altogether in trying to live as merely confederate States. These States grew incapable of Government until at length it was predicted by Washington that they would fall a victim to the first foreign enemy that made war upon them. It was not, he said, until this was shown to be the case that they combined to form a Government under which they could live in happiness, peace, and security. It was a struggle for the sovereign power of the States which brought their union about. The complete nature of the union could be seen in the circumstances that any free man could walk through any part of the States just as if he was in a street of New York or Boston. It was true that that country had imposed taxes —in some cases severe taxes—upon the commodities of the outside world, but between any two places within the territory there was not a single customhouse from one end of the country to the other. Trade was free as air. He was one of those who believed, so far as his judgment went—and he had had some experience —that it would be simply playing at legislation if an attempt was made to create a Federal Government without the power which properly belonged to such a Government. He was as anxious as anyone could be to preserve the rights and privileges of a great Colony like New South Wales. Indeed, he would be ashamed to go back to the Colony which had al ways treated him with such kindness if he felt that he had not taken every precaution to guard her interests. But a Federal Governmeut must be a Government fully armed with plenary power in matters relating to defence and tar.ff and all its cognate subjects. In respect to all its functions the national Government must have power to build ships and enlist soldiers, and in many other ways exercise the powers of the Supreme Government. It might be wise that this National Government should be accompanied by a state of provincial legislature, but it should be decided from the very first that a complete Government, fitted to perform the highest functions of a nation, should be formed. He did not know the feelings of the Conference, and had not been in communication with any of the members constituting it, as he desired to attend witha niinduntrammelled even in tbought, and to meet the representatives of the other colonies on fair and open ground, with the one great object of resolving themselves into a nation regulating and defining the rights of the several colonies. It was, he contended, their bounden duty to see to this, for no Federal Government could exist with satisfaction and with power sufficient for its high purpose unless held in harmony with what was justly due to the several colonies. He asked the delegates to bear in mind that they were there as representatives of the whole of the people of Australia, and he asked them to remember there was growing up in these colonies a native element, and in that new wave of life which would shortly overwhelm them they might expect to see the rising up of a generation better perhaps than they, and wiser than they were. The union of the Australian colonies was a thing to commend itself to the most farseeing ot those who had come from other lands, and which so intertwined itself with the life of the nativeborn that nothing could possibly stay the progress of that federation. He trusted that he had not entered upon consideration of the question too soon, and he also trusted that he would make no mistake. He did not see how the delegates could possibly shut their eyes to the fact that their one duty, at all events, was to ask the Parliaments of the different colonies to consider whether or not the time had come. He had submitted his resolution at a time when, he ivas bound to confess, he had not strength to treat it in the way he would wish to treat it.

Sir Samuel Griffiths said there must be a complete Federal Government of Australia. Whether or not that federation would include New Zealand was a matter for future discussion. The question at present was, how far they could get the support of their respective Parliaments and people. He did not think it indicated any disrespect to the Federal Council, or to those comprising it, to propose to give effect to, what they proposed, if was a chance of doing so. There, were many tunings they could do. There, wqre many obstacles, or. what ap.p eared, to be such, but the least federation could bring about was. better than np. federation at all. Those wh,° took part in creating a Council had no. reason to, be as.ham,ed of their labours. It, Was. a step, toward something better, sp. far as was then, possible. He admitted that federation without a fiscal union was unsatisfactory, but he did not think i,t was. an,y obstacle. The absurdity of people fighting each other through the Customs had become so apparent that the Struggle must soon he given up. Mr Playford, of South Australia, thought that all would agree with the resolution now before the Conference. Everyone who had taken a prominent part in Australian political life admitted; the time was rapidly advancing when Australia must become united. The only difficulty was in, determining when the time for a union sh'u’d come. The unfortunate part of federal government was that it had been taken up by the leading statesmen of the colonies instead of by the people. If the people had taken the question in hand a conclusion would have |?9en arrived at long ago ; but the wish for

federation had not sprung from the people. So far as South Australia was concerned its delegates met the Conference without the people of that Colony having been educated up to the point when they were prepared to accept federation. Public men knew that the colonies would benefit by federation, but many questions awaited settlement which could only be dealt with by a Federal Government. It was easily understood why the American colonists joined together to assert their rights. It was the same with Canada. The question of defence decided Canada to confederate, but here there was no enemy at their doors likely to burn their cities or levy contributions. With what argument had the Premier of New South Wales supplied the opponents of federation when he pointed out the glorious progress made by those colonies under their present form of Government ? It would he said * 1 Why on earth do you want federation if you can become the best governed and most prosperous people in the world without it ?” They had not an enemy at their doors likely to bum their cities or levy contributions. They did not build up slowly and carefully public opinion in the colonies merely to appeal to catastrophes that might occur through war or surprises. They could not build up this opinion at a bound. Mr Deakin, of Victoria, remarked that one of the difficulties of one of the hon members present was that there were no difficulties, and he had pointed out that there was here no great occasion to force circumstances, and no such events as took place in Canada and the United States, compelling these countries to each form a Union—almost whether they would or would not, The hon member referred to was perfectly correct, but would he (the hon member) venture to advance the position and say that he could see nothing in the future possibilities of this continent which might compel a union to be effected ? Would he not admit that, so far from being unlikely, it was practically a matter of certainty that they would he so affected by circumstances that they would be forced into a Union ? Then how much better would it he to face the question in a time of quiet than be driven to it in a time of turmoil ? The lion gentleman said he spoke for the colonies and their people, not with intent but with a certain implication that there was something which distinguished the Victorians from the South Australians and New South Welshmen, from Tasmanians and Queenslanders. The truth was that they were of one blood, one sentiment, one aspiration, and they rebelled against the line of customhouses along the border. It must always be remembered that they had sprung from one stock and that they were one people ; that whatever barriers were made between them were barriers of their own creating ; and, what they were strong enough to create, they were strong enough to remove. A Federal Government was in itself a sovereign state, There must he no antagonism between the Federal and local Governments, Each must be supreme in its own sphere. There were infinite issues whiQ.li, no central Parliament would deal with, but which belonged to local legislatures, and every power must be left them, which they coqld best exercise in the interests of the community. Although all great reforms did not spring from the people, success could come only from the people ; hut he did not fear the result of an appeal to the people in these colonies on the work they were about to. undertake.

At ta-day’s sitting of the Conference a considerable amount of time was taken up by the discijssion of business in committee, and it was noon before the representa tives of the press were admitted. The debate on Sir H. Parkes’ motion was continued by Mr Clarke, of Tasmania,who said he felt sure that the people of Tasmania were quite willing to fall in with 1 he federation proposals. The attitude of South Australia could only be assumed,#rora the sentiments of their representatives, hut he trusted the people would Be educated up to the necessities, on federation. Speaking of Tasmania, Mr Clarke said he knew thq people there would he very willing indeed to join with Queensland and Victoria. He felt that a uniform ta,riffmust come some time, and he would like to know why there should be any delay in adopting it ? Whether there was any necessity for it, they could not shut their eyes to, the. colonies which had a protective, policy in force, and viewing them, as. a Freetrader, he did not think r delay would persuade the Protectionists to. give up their tariff, so that, as far as South Australia was concerned, it would he much better for her to come in now than, when a protective policy was many years old, This was the first conference devoted exclusively to the question of federation, and he trusted that it would he the last, and that the delegates would go back to their several colonies aucl obtain the necessary consent for a convention to bring about a United Australasia, Sir F. G, Lo. Steere. (VYestern Australia) thought the debate had hitherto been somewhat top. full of sentiment. They wanted to, deal with it practically. He hoped the representatives of New South VYales would be able to remove the impression abroad that the people of that Colony were not so favourable to federation as they might lip. He was sorry Sir H. Parkes had brought forward an abstract motion instead of somethin’; definite. He saw very great difficulties in the way, notably the fiscal question, and the matter of finance. He did not see how it could

be accomplished, and he said so. Not that he was opposed to the federal union, for no one would rejoice more to see federation brought about. He quoted a number of figures to show that the Customs duties of the different colonies would not provide the Federal Government with sufficient funds to meet the interest on the public debts of the various colonies. He would like to know where the Federal Government would get a revenue from if the Australian Dominion were framed on the same lines as the Dominion of Canada. They should not entirely displace the Federal Council, but should strive to develop it until it would meet the requirements of federation. What possibility was there of Western Australia entering the federacy if it had to give away its Customs duties ? Captain Russell (New Zealand) said federation was not only in the air as some of the speakers said, but he believed it would not be long before it was an accomplished fact, and a few years would perhaps see a United Australia a great power in these Southern Seas. He did nut see any great difficulty in the way. He believed, however, that the colony from which he came could not join in this federation, although they would be happy to work in concord with the Australian Continent. They could not expect that, for the next few years at any rate, New Zealand would merge its growing manhood into the maturer manhood of Australia. To tell them New Zealand would do so would he to tell them what he, at all events, did not believe. It would be to New Zealand disadvantage to join a Federal Government of this kind, of which they would form such an insignificant part. New Zealand had interests and responsibilities of other than Australian character. There was the Native administration for instance. They could not hand that ovor to a Federal Government, for such a Government would be composed of gentlemen who knew little or nothing about the mode of dealing with the Maoris. There were kindred subjects which needed very careful treatment. New Zealand would be happy to join with Australia in any system of naval defence, but he confessed he did not see liow she was to he benefited by a federal army. He did not doub-fc that the Australians would .he quite willing to despatch an army to New Zea . land if the occasion required it ; but it was not likely to be of any service, for if they were subjected to a filibustering raid it would be all over before the army could! reach them. A federal army would simply involve New Zealand in difficulties; of expense, which she could ill afford to bear. There were, however, some things in which she might join. For instance, there was a reciprocity in trade and the establishment of a uniform matrimonial law. For himself, he would say he could not participate in anything involving the Colony in more than protection, as he considered it to their advantage as. a large exporting country to have their* markets as free as possible. New Zealand would meet Australia in happiness and concord, but he could not say she could just at present join a Federal Dominion, although she might in time to come when in a. better position to do so. He had intended to move an amendment to Sir H. Parkes’ motion, but if Sir Henry would alter the words “ Australasian. Colonies” to “Australian Colonies” he would content himself with moving a further resolution to the effect that any Colony so desiring might subsequently be admitted to the confederation upon such terms and conditions as might be agreed upon.

Mr Cockburn (South Australia) advocated a complete federation. He considered it would he an injudicious step to divide Australia into two sections at the outset, in order that two or three colonies comprised in one section might federate., leaving the others separate. Although South Australia, might lose perhaps a little at the outset by relinquishing her Customs duties she would eventually gain as much as any Colony by intercolonial Freetrade. He would like to know, as the debate had a Freetrade tendency, whether it was thought in any quarter that the accomplishment of federation would be accepted as a vindication of Freetrade. He did not himself think it would be anything of fches kind, but rather a vindication of Protection, with which he linked their general prosperity. The Federal Council had done good work, and he hoped that whatever might come of the Conference, or a subsequent convention, federation would arise from the work of the Councils, built, he might say on its ruins. The Conference adjourned till tomorrow.

Melbourne, February 12. It is understood that a portion of tfie sitting of the Conference, conducted with closed doors yesterday, was devoted. to the consideration of the position of New Zealand in relation to the other Colonies. The New Zealand representatives, whilst unwilling to commit the Colony to federation, urged that the Colony should bo represented at the Convention, and that the basis of federation should be such as to permit New Zealand and Fiji entering at some future time should they find it desirable to do so.

Mr Deakin gave notice that he would move the following resolutions :—l. That the members of this Conference take such steps as are deemed necessary to induce the legislators of the respective colonies to appoint delegates for a National Convention, empowered to consider and report on an adequate scheme of a federal

constitution. 2. The Convention should consist of seven members from each of the self-governing colonies, and four members from each of the Crown colonies. The third clause) has reference to the bolstering up of the Federal Council in the interim, and is similar to Mr Deakin’s previous notice. _ . ‘ Mr McMillan (New South Wales) resumed the debate at the Federation Conference this morning. He wished to point out that the Conference had really no authority whatever from the Legislatures of the different colonies, so that a great deal of the detail entered into by the previous speakers was quite unnecessary, and only calculated to embarrass the movement. He protested against elaborate details as to which particular kind of government and what sort of constitution was the best, being discussed. Sir H. Parkes had been unjustifiably blamed for not going into details. Sir S. Griffiths evidently had federation at heart, and had only attempted to show the difficulties in the way. Mr D. Steere attempted to knock everything down, and at last ended up by saying that Australian unity was impracticable. Mr Cockburn thought it was impracticable, but he was glad he agreed it was desirable to federate. As for himself he believed there was no question about the feeling of New South Wales, for they had the highest authority -that

of Parliament. They had already had such union as was never known before in the world, for there was no foreign element in the colonies. There was really only one debatable question, that of border tariffs. There could be nothing approaching federation unless the whole of the border customhouses were abolished. him it appealed "Victoria was now seeing the error of her ways. No doubt she saw troubles on the Murray, and felt her geographical position. However, he was willing to oive 'Victoria a great deal, because of the smalloess of her territory. In the past she had been isolated, and but for this probably the object of the Con ference would have already been obtained. Naturally, they must not look at the past, but determine to let bygones be bygones. U nion would be worth anything without intercolonial Freetrade. Why should one Colony pile on duties to provoke its neighbours to cap them with still higher duties'? The matter of finance had been referred to, but it seemed to him, so far as Western Australia was concerned, she would be the very one to benefit. Surely that Colony, now rising into the dignity of a young nation, must see that, welded together with the other colonies, it would" be easier to obtain money. Most of the colonies were now workino off the 4,5, and 6 per cent debentures, but he looked forward to the *ime when they would obtain money on the same terms as England. Mr Bird (Tasmania) said federation without intercolonial Freetrade would not work. Tasmania would like to stipulate for Freetrade porta between the colonies, leaving the tariff for the outside world to be settled afterward. He regretted that New Zealand hesitated to join. He remembered the time when she required assistance, and he could not help sa 3’. in .S that she might require it agaio, even lfit took four or five days to send, it* -tie would, however, support Captain Rusaell’a addition, because he was of opinion that the whole of the colonies should j, are federation at sometime or the other. £sir J. Hall (N.Z.), while agreeing with h(g colleague, Captain Russell, that fedoi'Vion should at present be confined to the continent, said the decision they had arrived at came from no want of appreciation of the advantages ot union, nor in any spirit of lukewarmness.. New Zealand was at present unable to join so great a movement, though the speeches of Sir H. Parkes . and others must have carried conviction that the time for federation had arrived. He congratu lated his venerable friend on being the ruan to bring forward this proposal for a union. He agreed with the truth of Sir H. Parkes’ motion in all but one particular, and that was where he said Nature had placed no impediment in the way of federating these Australasian -.olonies. A 3 a matter of fact there are h-tween New Zealand and Australia no F oWfe - than 1200 impediments in the shape nf that number of miles of sea. That Colony, Jffc felfc was ’ in vift f ° f ltS present circumstances, too remote from what would be the seat of Government to take a part in K {"deed, she could hardly be sure of obtaining her best men to represent her ni the cential Parliament, for they could not afford to leave the country for perhaps six months at a time. He had the warmest sympathy with Australia in the matter fif federation but cut Id not’see bis way to J oul > owing to the remoteness, and, to snipe extent, the dissimilarly of their admini=o tration. He thought withhis colleague that they would join hands in a naval defence, although he hoped they would never have to depend on the navy of United Australia alone. It would not be weli with them it they had not the great maritime power ol England behind them. He could are no service that a federal army could do for New Zealand and they could hardly join hands there. Thej •wm-e anxious, however, to co-operatt with Australia where they could, and in the friendliest manner pos Bible. He differed from hi* coleague only oil one mntoer, .ami tha was Freetrade. Although he hnnseh a Protectionist, he was most rtr.cuieolv u .favour of intercolonial Freetraoc. m-j s3ad developed a protective poucy iu

Zealand, but in no one. instance was that policy directed against their neighbours. He wished he could say the same for his friends of Victoria. He did not think that the fact of New Zealand standing out would retard the federation of Australia, indeed he thought it would facilitate and simplify it. The question would be freed from those complications which New Zealand might bring them. He was rather surprised when Mr McMillan said that New South Wales would never have anything but a complete federation. He would give him the advice once given in the House of Commons to a young Parliamentary hand, “ Never use the word ‘ never.’ ” Wuen Mr McMillan had had more Parliamentary experience, he would probably be more careful of committing himself so readily. He had no doubt as to the success of the union, and rather envied his Australian brothers because they could join. He believed history would repeat itself in these Southern Seas, and that a United Australia would become like Great Britain, the centre of libeity, civilization, and light throughout the length and breadth of the Southern hemisphere.

(special to press association.) London, February 9. The Earl of Derby, writing to the newspapers, says : —“Australian Federation is eminently desirable, and the English people are unanimous in opinion that the colonists should become members of a powerful and important State. Internal freetrade is better than none whatever, and the relations with the Colonial Office will be easier when the majority decides.’ He instances Canada, where the obstacles were greater, and he contends that the success of Australian Federation is assured if local jealousies can be overcome, which statesmen suppress and only politicians trade upon. PRESS OPINIONS. (PER PRESS ASSOCIATION. ) Sydney, February 7. The Daily Telegraph says : —The Premiers of Victoria and New South Wales are evidently iu accord with reference to the Federation question, but it is difficult to predict what the action of the other delegates may be. New Zealand, we fear, is very much inclined to say Aus :ralasia is unripe for federation, although Australia may be. We may presume that, as far as the other colonies are concerned, there will be no real opposition to the proposal to approach all the Parliaments with a request to appoint a more representative convention, with greater autlioiity and power. So far as the banquet represented public opinion, it may be taken for granted that provincial protection is doomed in the Federal Parliament <>f the future. The Sydney Morning Herald thinks the resolutions to be proposed by Mr Deakin will be the apple of discord, as. an attempt to revive the Federal Council is evident. It goes on to say that though the.question of defence is an important one, and has made the subject of Federation an active one, it is neither urgent nor important enough to warrant any change of front on the part of New South Wales on the subject of the Federal Council, nor justify an attempt to commit us to anything of the kind by a sidewind. Melbourne, February 8. The Argus, referring to the banquet last night, states that the spirit of Sir Henry Parkes’ speech was excellent from first to last, and it is difficult to see where the reply to his simply stated arguments is to come in. Sir Henry Parkes, it adds, faced the fiscal policy boldly, and he is ready to remit the fiscal issue to the good sense and wisdom of the Australasian Parliament ; and considering that a Federal Psrliament will be composed in every instane'e, save New South V ales, of representatives of more or less Protectionist colonies, there should be little to fear among Victorian Protectionists at the result. The Age says that if Mr Deakin’s motion is carried, it will make any further advance in the direction of federation unnecessary for the present, or, at any rate, the clamour for federation which was raised with such startling suddenness by New South Wales is distinctly justified by the plea of defence. It concludes: We. d.o not suppose, however, that Mr Deakin’s motion was deliberately intended to cancel that of Sir Henry Parkes, though in effect it does. Melbourne, February 12. Referring to yesterday’s proceedings at the. Conference, the Argus, in an article this morning, remarks that although the attitude of the New Zealand representatives was not altogether unexpected, yet au important development of the day’s proceedings was the stand taken by Captain Russell. The reasons given by New Zealand for refusing to join the movement at the present stage were admitted to be weighty, and could not be .easily set aside, The Argue concludes in the following terms : —“ We must assume :.hat any federation possible at the present. moment is an Australian Federation, and it may be re - marked that the secession of New Zealand, however much it is to be regretted, renders the federation of Australia an easier task, inasmuch as our farmers ni-Mud Mew Zealand competition in oats, •Ah-nt. and produce. With the strong f e'b-g of friendship existing throughout and the sea-surrounded oo'unies, their union can only be delayed.

Certainly if the efforts to form a federation continent are successful, we shall hope also to bring in the isles which are its splendid complement.” Sydney, February ,12 The Herald this morning, commenting on the proceedings at the Federation Conference yesterday, says that the attitude which New Zealand assumed is easily understood from the sympathetic speech delivered by Captain Russell, in which the advantages to be derived from federation were fully recognised. He pointed out that New Zealand has questions of her own under consideration which obliged her to adopt a waiting policy, but while she felt that it was advisable to stand out for the present she would be only too glad to have a door left open for entrance at some future time. The Herald thinks that this hesitation on the part of New Zealand is readily understood, and if she stands aloof for the present no exception can be taken to her action ; but with South Australia the case is somewhat different. A selfish motive underlies the objection of S uth Australia, which places local interests before those of Australian concern. Under these circumstances she can have no stomach for the wide proposals submitted by Sir H. Parkes. The attitude assumed by South Australia and Western Australia, together with the refusal of New Zealand to join the movement, has brought the deliberations to something of a point. In conclusion, the Herald suggests that the question now to be considered is whether it is advisable to take steps to form a Federal Government, without waiting for the co-operation of all the colonies. London, February 11.

The Times, in an article on the Australian Federation Conference, deplores the illness of Sir Henry Parkes, who, it says, is the moßt commanding figure in Australian politics. The tariff is the most formidable lion in the path of federation, and it considers that Mr Service is clearly correct in his opinion that there can be no national unity without a uniform tariff. The Times goes on to say that if the Conference only agrees in common as to the army and navy much will have been gained, and complete federation may be arranged later on. Further, if the magnificent prospect of Imperial Federation is to emerge from dreamland it must bb through the federation of the groups. (SPECIAL TO PRESS ASSOCIATION.) London, February 9. The Pall Mall Gazette says that Sir H. Parkes’term “ crimson thread ” will become equally memorable with that of the “silver streak” applied to the English Channel. The St James’ Gazette thinks that Sir H. Parkes’ speech in support of his hobby was eloquent and unselfish, because it is unlikely that Sydney will become the capital of Australia, or Sir H. Parkes himself the Premier of ‘the future Dominion. The Spectator says that Sir C. Dilke, in his recently-published book, has pricked the glittering bubble of Imperial Federation. A brother-like alliance between England and her colonies will ensue, which will ultimately include America. The Daily News thinks the present is the time for federation. A quarter of a century hence vested interests may intervene which will make it impossible. The Economist is of opinion that the tariff question should be primarily settled. That disposed of, it may be possible to postpone the allocation of the public debt of the colonies.