The Knights of Labour.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 933, 17 January 1890, Page 9

The Knights of Labour.

o Leisure Hour. The organisation of which so much has be n heard among the working classes of the United States is called the Knights of Labour. Like the innumerable secret societies that abound there for social, benefit, and political purposes, this one has its iusignia, its mystic initiatiou, its passwords, its gradations of officers, and its rigid rules Persons desiring admission, after careful preliminary inquiries have been made respecting them, are received in a dimly lighted room by masked officials, and are made to take a solemn oath, flhey swear not to divulge any secrets of the order, to obey its mandates, and to assist their fellow members. The lights are then turned up, and the signs, passwords, and other secrets are communicated. Not long ago a membership exceeding three millions was claimed. The society had ramifications all over the American continent, including Canada. Nearly every trade and industry was included. A most elaborate network of ordinary assemblies, districts or general assemblies, and the grand body, with a Grand Master, Grand Secretary, and other high functionaries, spread itself from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Of late, however, the falling off has been as great and as rapid as was the sudden rise. It is understood that the number of members is now considerably under one million, and that many of these are nominal, or are held by an extremely loose an 1 frail thread. Various causes have contributed to fch's. The objects sought were, perhaps, too diversified, and some of them were, in the nature of the case, impossible of attainment. So far as concerned mntual help and sympathy, improved education, increased physical comfort, atteu. tion to the laws of health, and the social and moral elevation of the members, they could not fail to awaken public interest and to command the approval of every patriot, philanthropist, and social reformer. In like manner it was reasonable to demand the abrogation of all laws bearing unequally upon capital and labour; the removal of technicalities, delays, aDd discriminations iu administering justice ; and due provision for the health and safety of persons engaged in mining, manufacturing, and buitding pursuits. Nor could objection bo taken to requests for the weekly payment of wages in lawful and current money, without deductions for compulsory dealings at shops kept by or for the benefit of employers. The substituting of arbitration for strikes was one of the ends sought to be attained, most laudably, as everyone must admit who has seen the melancholy and wasteful effects that usually follow such appeals to blind force. It was further proposed to forbid the employment of children under fourteen in workshops, mines, and factories. There were other and similar designs in contemplation, and a few concerning which reasonable doubt might be entertained. Among the latter were the establishment of co-operative institutions, both productive and distributive. Their successful working entirely depends upon the character and ability of those charged with the administration, and requires more confidence to be reposed than the average members are found willing to yield. Such cases as the Rochdale Pioneers, and similar institutions in Oldham and elsewhere, show what is possible. But against these there are to be placed not a few conspicuous and disastrous failures. It is also doubtful how far it would be practicoble to abolish the contract system on national, State or municipal work ; or to secure for both Bexes equal pay for the same kind and measure oE work ; or to nave an enforced reduction of the hours of labour to eight per diem. Without pronouncing an absolute opinion condemnatory of these points included in the original scheme, there were others concerning which certain failure might have been predicted from the outset. ‘The alarming development and aggression of aggregated wealth ’ was spoken of in a loose and vague manner as something that must be checked. How the desired object was to be accomplished did not appear. One design was stated to be the bringing ‘ within the fold of organisation of every department of industry.’ But organisation is only a means to an end, though many persons, on both sides of the Atlantic, appear to regard it as an end of itself. There is imminent danger at the present time of supposing that union, and mechanism, and resolutions, and committees, and all the other paraphernalia of societies, can accomplish what can only be effected by individual effort, or industry, or enterprise, or selfdenial. Combination is good, when wisely directed to noble and practical ends. It has effected much for the working classes, and will accomplish more ; but there are obvious bounds and limits.

‘ To secure to the toilers a proper share of the wealth they create ’ is Btated as one of the main designs of the Knights of Labour. Assuredly many were induced tr join in the expectation that high rates of wages would be secured or maintained. Many more questions are involved in this than can be discussed, or even stated, within the limits of a brief article. But it is obvious that two factors will always enter into the adjustment —namely, the amount of work required to be done, and tbe number of unemployed able and williug to do it. The more sanguine advocates of this great labour union in America thought that by embodying the

mass of the workers against capital it would be possible to regulate produo ion, sales, wages, and profits, so as to ensure high remuneration, and also to fix the price of all commodities. This was a Herculean and utterly impossible enterprise. It took no account of individual, or local, or climatic, or political, or trade circumstances. Ib presupposed knowledge almost universal, and capacities quite superhumau, [t disregarded personal needs, ta3tes, aptitude, and capacity ; and treated all the hungering, toiling, struggling, hopeful, eager units as a mere crowd. Human instincts and human necessities rebelled at this.

Some went even further. They denied all rights of property ; they denounced capitalists as robbers ; they demanded the establishment if socialism in its crudest form°. Others interfiled with personal freedom of action in a way that brought them before the United States Courts. It was found also that action taken on bob**!! of one trade, or in one locality, was* prejudicial to another trade, or to a pistant locality, m several instances the qction of the leaders in ordering a strike, or* in precipitating a demand fur increased wages, ended in sigual disootnli' ure after untold and incalculable loss and suffering had been caused. The American working people are too intelligent and too practical to embark in a hopeless undertaking, or to persevere in a course that is u.it likely to succeed. They have been trained to i-eepeot law and order, and the schemes of wild visionaries have no attractions for them. They, too, have something to losej - and t-hey~ will not incur the risk. Hence, when they began to realise that some of the most important promises and projects of the Knights of Labour could not bo fulfilled, they, detached themselves as readily as they joined. The organisation may continue for a tin e in a lessening form in certain districts and in specific trades which kave not efficient unions of their own. •But as a gigantic-f-ideration of labourers in every place and of. every industry, it has signally failed, just as repeated attempts to form a great National Labour Party for political purposes Have failed. Within proper limits, and for the attainment of legitimate and practicable ends, Trade Unions, wisely and righteously conducted, have accomplished much for their members, and no just and reasonable employer would take exception to them. But they are voluntary societies. Men are at liberty to join ; they have equal liberty to abstain. The rights of the individual mast never be surrendered without his fall and free sanction. Because the Knights of Labour forgot or disbelieved this, they suffered a groat collapse. '