A Big Project.
Some degree of astonishment was created by the recent telegraphic statement that the British Government intended to spend a hundred millions on national defence. Even when this startling intelligence became subsequently qualified into an announcement that it would be proposed to spend twenty one millions on the improvement of the navy, the suddenness with which this momentous decision appeared to have been arrived atnaturally seemed alittlesurprising after thelong dilatoriness previously displayed and in view of the absence of any immediate danger. But the latest English papers throw a good deal of light on the matter. It appears that so long ago as the 14th January Sir Michael Hickg-Beach, President of the Board of Trade, in a speech to hie West Bristol constituents, predicted that the chief part of the next Parliamentary session must be given up to the strengthening of England’s Naval defences. On this subject, he argued, first, that the time was opportune for such a measure, because there was certainly a gradual return of prosperity,—an iucrease in railway traffic, in imports, in exports, and an opening-up of new markets without the loss of any older markets. Yet the increase of trade had increased greatly England’s need for a strong Navy to defend her commerce, while
that Navy had certainly not increased to anything like the extent of the increase of the nation’s perils in case of a Naval war. With twenty-eight millions of men enrolled in Continental armies, the danger of war r must be great, and the need of an increased insurance for all Great Britain’s rapidly extending obligations to protect her colonial possessions and her colonial and foreign commerce, must be equally great. Some land defences for the great commercial ports of England would be needed, and protection for hor commerce at sea would be still more needed. Sir Michael Beach evidently contemplated that this revision of the Navy will be the next great effort of the present Government. The English press generally seems favourable to this important departure, and some cogent articles in support of the contemplated action of the Government have appeared. Surprise is expressed that there should have been any timidity iu proposing to increase England’s naval strength until it reaches the point at which the Mother Country may reasonably hope tomaintain herpresent position against any coalition likely to be formed against her. It is held to be beyond all doubt that of late years “ the power of naval attack has greatly increased m proportion to the p<siwer of naval defence.” Therefore, it is held, it will be a much harder business to defend successfully a long line of coast both of Great Britain and in the colonies than it would be to spring a successful attack on any Power which has a long line of coast to defend. Hence the outcome of the late naval manoeuvres is not looked on as satisfactory, because at the beet it merely leaves Great Britain on a par with a possible antagonist. For, it is remarked, the mischief which would be done by a successful descent on the richest British or colonial ports would probably be far greater iu magnitude than any retaliation that England could inflicc ; and beyond this, England would naturally wish to be in a position so secure that no such attack would be ventured upon. One writer points out with great force that the mere general impression that England stands to lose more than she could hope to gain in a naval war must necessarily be most injurious to the country’s position in the world, yet that such is without doubt the impression which does at present prevail on the European Continent. It is admitted that a great deal of mischief might be done by exacting blackmail from undefended or inadequately defended British ports, and in imperilling our maritime commerce ; and that in the unsettled state of Europe there existed a grave danger of some combination which might seriously injure the country and might perhaps “ succeed in convincing the distant British colonies that the British flag is no longer the protection that it used to be.” Upon the basis thus indicated the Imperial Government have apparently decided to construct their scheme of naval reform. That is to say, they propose so to strengthen the country’s naval arm as to make it equal to all reasonably probable demands upon its power. Granting that the British Navy is more powerful now than it ever was, the contention forcibly put forward is that it is not so strong relatively to the navies of other nations. And that is the sole gauge of effectiveness that is at all trustworthy. It is not pretended, as Sir Michael HicksBeach observed, that England need suppose all the navies of the worldunited against her, for it is unlikely that she will ever be (he object of a unanimous or nearly unanimous coalition among the other naval Powers of Europe. But for some conceivable combinations it is felt that Great Britain ought to be “ so far ready that she could keep up commercial relations with the most distant parts of the world with far less serious loss in time of war than any other mercantile Power engaged in the war.” It is declared to be the opinion of every trustworthy authority on the subject that England is not as yet thus prepared. Hence the present movement. The case is well put by one English journal in the following terms :
With our reaponeibilities to our great colonies and dependencies, with our responsibilities to Egypt, with our long line of illdofended coast, and with the rapid advance which is taking place in the navies of Russia, Germany, Italy, and France, it is the most obvious of the administrative duties of our Government to assure our own peoplo in the first place, and the rest of Europe in the next place, that we are not likely to be easily cowed by hostile combina. tions, and that if we should be forced to
defend ourselves, we shall have the means of so doing it that our enemies will very soon be brought to open negotiations for peace.
It is to be hoped that the efforts which the Government, even at the eleventh hour, propose to make, will receive hearty support. Lord Randolph Churchill undoubtedly takes up very awkward ground when he contends, as in a telegram which we publish to-day it is alleged he purposes doing, that the Admiralty authorities have proved themselves unfit to be trusted with the expenditure of such a sum. We fear that this indictment cannot well be challenged with the memory of so many recent messes still fresh. We need not go further afield than the case of the squadron so lately in this port for au instance of gross administrative incapacity. It is notorious that the Orlaudo was sent out to these colonies in a scandalously incomplete and inefficient condition, and that the process of patching her up has been going on ever since at a needless outlay of many thousands of pounds, while some of her appliances have long been obsolete. It is difficult to blame those who demand some security that the vast sum now asked for shall be used to better advantage than the scores of millions whieji have been frittered and fooled away in the past.
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Mail, Issue 889, 15 March 1889, Page 28
Word Count
1,224A Big Project. New Zealand Mail, Issue 889, 15 March 1889, Page 28
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