SPIRIT of the PRESS.

New Zealand Mail, Issue 745, 11 June 1886, Page 22

SPIRIT of the PRESS.

A moee complete and thorough-; goiog fiasco than the result of MY Montgomery’s no-confidence motion could not very easily be conceived. The sudden and utter collapse of the attack was as remarkable as the unexpected largeness of the majority by which Mr Montgomery’s amendment was rejected. Up to a late hour in the evening the outcome o! the debate was looked on as exceedingly doubtful. Even the period at which the division would take place was variously estimated, the range extending a week thence. All the afternoon and evening the debate was carried on with great vigour and general ability. Several prominent members of the Opposition were observed to be taking copious notes, and some trenchant speeches were looked for. Major Atkinson was counted upon as safe for another slashing onslaught, speaking to the amendment, but in reply to the Premier and Treasurer. It was anticipated that many speakers who advocated retrenchment, but intended to vote against the amendment, would take an opportunity of justifying and reconciling their action with their principles. At II o’clock the discussion appeared likely to last another week. Half an hour later all was over. When Mr Levestam sat down nobody else rose, and to the general astonishment the division ball rang, and the vote was taken. But it was evidently not a “ catch ” division, for almost every member was accounted for. Ninety-two out of ninety-four either voted or paired. Nobody seemed able to explain the suddenness with which the debate broke down, and it would be idle to speculate as to the cause. But if the sudden division were a surprise, much more was the extreme one-sidedness of the result- Up to the supper adjournment Tffie numbers were expected to be very close. The Ministerialists claimed to have a majority of from three to five; only a very sanguine member or two ventured to place it as high as seven. On the other hand, the Opposition earlier in the day reckoned on 47 votes certain, and gave only 42 to the Government, five being classed as doubtful. Should these go for the Government they anticipated a “ tie.” Later in . the evening they admitted the possibility of Ministers securing a victory, but onlyiby a majority of one or two, or at the? most three. -Yet when the numbers were declared they proved to give the Government the very substantial majority of sixteen, the respective figures—including pairs—being :—Ministerial, 54; Opposition, 38. This is unquestionably a most decisive triumph for Ministers, and proves very clearly the accuracy of our opinion that there was no desire on the part of the majority to turnout the present Government so long as they would be content with a moderate policy. The cry no doubt will be raised that those who voted against Mr Montgomery’s amendment voted against retrenchment. We do not take this view of their action. On the contrary, we are convinced that many of those menbers who gave their votes with the Government last night week are quite as eager as Mr Montgomery or Major Atkinson to see some practical mode of retrenchment adopted. But, we take it, they did not perceive that any real benefit was likely to accrue from the success of Mr Montgomery’s amendment. The only probable outcome of a Ministerial defeat just now would have been either a premature dissolution, with the redistribution of representation question still unsettled, or else a period of chaos, which would have been most untimely and most undesirable. No stable Government could be formed as matters now stand. Had Mr Montgomery been allowed to form a Ministry it would have been turned out as promptly as was the second Atkinson Administration of 18SI. It is true some looked forward to a certain coalition as the ultimate outcome, but the time is not yet ripe for so radical a change as that, although we entertain little doubt that it is the combination of the future. Believing as we do that Mr Montgomery’s amendment would not have been productive of any beneficial l’esults, but that, on the contrary it would have involved, if successful, various embarrassing consequences, we cannot feel any regret that it was lost, notwithstanding our very strong and openly-ex-pressed convictions that retrenchment is both practicable and imperative. If Ministers be wise they will take the friendly hint given

to them by the utterances of so many members, and will voluntarily initiate the economical reforms which the condition of the country so urgently demands.

Wonderful to relate, a captain and mate who, through their joint and several negligence have caused the loss of a steamer and of many lives, are at last actually to be prosecuted for manslaughter. It is high time that steps of the most drastic kind should be taken to bring shipmasters and officers to a sense of their duty and responsibilities. It_ is a crying public scandal that they have been so long allowed, with comparative impunity, to , “ play at ducks and drakes ” with human lives, to say nothing of valuable property. That vessel after vessel should have been lost through the grossest and most culpable carelessness, without any deterrent example having been made of the guilty persons, is simply a disgrace. The wreck of the Ly-ee-Moon through flagrant negligence seems at length to have awakened the New South Wales authorities to the discovery that to lose a vessel by sheer carelessness, and to drown a score or two of people, is really not a feat of heroism. This is very surprising. Usually the captain who has wrecked his ship and drowned his passengers and men, is treated as a sort .of hero, an unfortunate hero, deserving onlv deep commiseration. Anybody venturing to hint the slightest dissent from this queer sort of hero-worship is regarded as a perfect brute a monster of insensibility to unfortunate virtue. Testimonials are presented to him; purses are made up for him ; he is pitied and petted and patted on the back. His victims—the loved ones of many happy homes—either become food for fishes, or are washed ashore in such a condition that it were better for the feelings of the survivors that the sea had never given up its dead. Disgraceful as are the circumstances attending the loss of the Ly-ee-Moon, they are not one whit worse than those of several shipwrecks which have occurred on the New Zealand coast during the last few years. Yet while the offenders in the former case are very properly to undergo criminal prosecution for manslaughter, are New Zealand manslaughterers to get off scot free? It is high time that this state of things should be reformed. An engine-driver or signalman, whose negligence leads to a fatal railway accident, is forthwith arrested, prosecuted for manslaughter, and, if committed, receives a severe sentence. "Why should not the captain or officer of a vessel, who through gross neglect of duty causes a fatal shipwreck, be brought to .a similar reckoning 1 And again, as railway companies are liable for heavy damages to the survivors of victims of an “ accident,” why should not the owners of ships, whose passengers or crew had been drowned through the default of the owners’ employes, be brought to book in like manner 1 ? If more stringent and drastic measures were taken in these cases, it is tolerably certain that we should soon find more care taken to avoid these terrible disasters. It is idle to pretend that ninety-nine out of every hundred shipwrecks on these coasts are due \ to anything but the most reprehensible want of due care. As for the rubbish that is generally put forth about new or unknown rocks, the only wonder is that anybody can be found to swallow these palpable fabrications, for a survey almost invariably proves that the alleged novelty has no real existance, but that the vessel struck on a perfectly well-known danger,and that no peril existed at any point of her proper course. In the case of the Xjy-ee-M!oon, however, the captain and mate do not seem to attempt any denial of the negligence, only each tries to throw the blame on the other. It is to be hoped that out of the mutual recriminations, of this precious pair, sufficient of the truth may come out to enable the guilty one to be convicted. And if convicted we sincerely trust that a sentence will be passed of such exemplary and terror-inspiring severity as to make the bare idea of carelessness in charge of a vessel something to be shuddered at by shipmasters and mates for many a long day.

It has been well and wisely said that the greater part of the mischief which is done in this world is due to persons who “mean well.” Many a worthy man is dreadfully dangerous when, as one of Mr W. S. Gilbert s characters puts it, “ He means well — but he don't hnow /” In his amiable

ignorance he may be the unconscious cause of terrible trouble. In his desire to serve his fellow-creatures, he innocently originates movements which prove their bitter bane. Among the most dangerous of these well-meaning but misguided people in New Zealand are the advocates of that most pernicious fallacy a State Bank of Issue. We are perfectly satisfied that they sincerely believe it would prove the universal panacea that they boast it to be, and their very faith in their own scheme, and their ardent enthusiasm in its propagandism naturally have a tendency to influence unthinking people in its favor. It seems so charmingly easy and delightfully simple to make boundless wealth by merely printing off bank-notes that one really feels it a sin to be poor, or to permit poverty to exist when illimitable riches can be scattered broadcast by means of this tempting process. And yet a little reflection, coupled with a very slight degree of mercantile or financial experience, ought to show the hopeless fallacy of such an idea. We have recently dealt with this question somewhat fully, and need not recapitulate our arguments against the proposal. were very glad to find both Sir Robert Stout and Sir Julius Vogel particularly clear and firm in their repudiation of the proposal and in their elucidation of its unwisdom and risk. Both Ministers deserve credit for courageously running counter to what was fast growing into a popular cry, and for setting themselves resolutely and successfully to dispel the illusion on which it was based. The Colonial Treasurer further pointed out, in his Financial Statement, the inevitable tendency of a Government note currency to become seriously depreciated. Sir Julius Vogel put the case so very accurately and lucidly that his words are worth quoting. He said :

'*• There are some who say you can make these debentures worth par by legislation—you can insist on their being, in the shape of bank—notes, a legal tender for the amounts they re. present. It is quite true that you can, by legislation, decree that a pound written on a piece of paper is to mean a pound for all purposes of payment within the Colony. You can declare that, as such, it will be receivable as revenue, and that for future debts contracted within the Colony it shall be deemed the mode of payment. But those persons who sell goods or lend money may make their own bargains, and add whatever margins they please. What they ask a pound for in gold they can demand thirty shillings for in paper. The Government revenue, unless increased, would enormously suffer ; but no legislation could compel any one to give a golden sovereign for a paper pound. Therefore it is that legislation can no more make a paper pound that is not redeemable in gold, on demand, worth a golden pound than it could make one hundred pounds of sugar weigh one hundred and twelve. I he law might make the term 1 hundredweight ’ to represent 1001 b instead of 1121 b, but the value of lewt would be proportionately reduced. That would be the necessary consequence of running counter to wellascertained fiscal laws which have been thoroughly tested by experience. This Bank of Issue craze is no new thing. The experiment itself has been tried 3 already' in another British colony, and with results that are worth referring to, for they afford a striking illustration of our argument. The London Economist gives an interesting account of Canada s experience of such a system. It points out that the crisis in New York had very clearly revealed the weakness of the Canadian system of note issue. About six years ago, it appears, several important alterations were effected in the currency arrangements of the Dominion. The Government was in need of money, and as an.easy method of satisfying its wants, it asked, for, and obtained, power to make an issue of small notes. In order to create an opening for these, the Canadian hanks were forbidden to issue notes of less than §5, or for any sum not a multiple of $5 ; and they were further required to hold not less than 40 per cent, of their reserve# in Dominion notes. At the same time the Treasury, which had previously been compelled to hold a gold reserve amounting to 25 per cent of all its note issues up to £1,800,000, to 50 per cent of all issues between £1,800,000 and £2,400,090, and to 100 per cent of all issues in excess of £2 400 000 was authorised to issue to the extent of £4,000,000 against a gold reserve of only 15 per cent. The specie basis of the paper currency was thus doubly weakened ; Government notes being substituted for gold in the reserves of the note-issuing banks, while the stock of gold held by tbe Treasury was cut down by more than a half. When these changes were made, it was pointed out by the Economist that their tendency was to render it doubtful whether in times of pressure the convertibility of the paper currency could be maintained. And subsequent experience has shown that the doubts, then expressed were well founded. Eor twice siuce the present

system was adopted the Treasury has been unable to redeem its notes, the latest occasion being during the recent crisis in New York. That led to a drain of specie from Canada, to meet which the banks presented for redemption a portion of the Dominion notes they held. A ccording to the Monetary Times, the amount thus demanded was no more than £250,000. But the Treasury, on the 31st April, had its specie reserve so low that there was no margin left. Against $17,196,649 of legal tenders it was required to hold §2,579,497 in specie, and all it had was $2,589,151. It had, therefore, at the commencement of May no means of meeting a draft of $1,250,000 in gold, without losing more than half itsle'eal

reserve. The requirements of the banks consequently could not be met, and the Government, in order to extricate itself from its difficulty, had to j appeal to the banks not to press their demands, and to threaten that, if they did so, it, in its turn, would demand payment in gold of the amount of its deposits with them. In this way time was gained. If, however, the pressure

upon tne DanKs naa Deen more severe, the probability is that, instead of a temporary collapse of the sy3tam of note issue, there would have been a complete breakdown. "It is thus very evident (remarks the Economist) that the gold basis of the Canadian paper currency is altogether inadequate, and it will have to be very materially strengthened if future' trouble is to be avoided." Here then, we see what was Canada's experience with this " greenback " or j

" shinplaster" currency. In the peculiar circumstances of Zealand, not omitting her heavily strained credit on the London money market, it would be the height of folly and imprudence to try so perilous an experiment. If it were made a rule that Government notes should be the sole medium of payment on account of Government liabilities, two consequences would ensue. In the first place, all Government contractors would raise their prices proportionately to the market rate of discount upon the n-nvfirnment notes. Thus the Colony

would obtain so much less for a given sum. Secondly, if these notes were used to pay salaries and wages to those who had not the power of protecting themselves from loss by raising their price, it is obvious that a very grave wrong would be done to them, because they would be paid in a currency which would not have its full nominal purchasing power, so that these unfortunate officers would receive nominal “ pounds ” worth only, say, fifteen shillings, and shillings ' worth only ninepence. This would be even a more flagrant robbery than the notorious “ ten per cent ” reduction. But the whole scheme is founded on a total misconception of true financial principles, and we sincerely trust that Parliament will not seriously entertain it for a moment.

The anxiously-expected result of the momentous division in the House of Commons on Mr Gladstone’s Irish proposals arrived Tuesday night, and will be found in another column. It will be seen that the proposals were rejected by the decisive majority of thirty in an exceptionally full house. Mr Gladstone, therefore, has only two courses open to him instead of his favourite three. He must either apj peal to the country —if the Queen will grant a dissolution less than a year after a general election—or else he must resign instantly. According to the telegrams, the Times advises him to retire finally from political life. It is high time he did.

A Keutek. telegram received late Monday night appears to go very far toward confirming the startling news previously telegraphed as a rumour, that Prance had actually seized the New Hebrides. The latest intelligence is so very circumstantial and apparently authentic, that little room seems to remain for any doubt on the matter. It may, of course, turn out that there has been some mistake or misconception, but in view of the circumstances stated by Mr Lavard, it is not easy to see how this could be the case. Assuming, however, that the facts are as alleged,the question forces itself to the front—“ What next ?” The seizure of the New Hebrides by Prance would undoubtedly be a grave breach of faith with England, and a direct slap in the face to that Power. Doubts have been expressed whether Prance would run the risk of war with England, even for such a prize, one, too, so eargerly coveted by Prance. The question is What does this risk

amount to ? It has been urged that England could not fail to resent in the most decided manner such an infraction of international obligations. There was a time, no doubt, when a grievance of much less magnitude than this would have instantly caused England to rise in her might and enforce prompt redress. But in view of the last few years' history can we reasonably anticipate any such result ? Scarcely. It would be entirely inconsistent with the policy pursued with such fatal pertinacity by Mr Gladstone and Lord Granville for England to declare war

on such grouuda. The Mother Country has swallowed of late so many unpalatable pills of this sort that there seems little reason to expect that her gorge will rise at this last bolus. One can hardly conceive Mr G-ladstone and Lord Granville dreaming of war merely to enforce the j views of certain colonies. And even : if the British Government were ever ' so much disposed to fight, it would be a singularly unpropitious time to go to war when England is in the throes of a great national crisis. We cannot

help fearing that this will prove to have been counted upon by France as minimising the probability of any active interference with her designs in the Pacific. We have yet to learn what was meant by Russia's sudden and ominous animation in Europe, whether it be not that the present is deemed a convenient opportunity for another onward movement. Nor must it be forgotten that Germany would have no objection to acquire Samoa if this could be effected without serious trouble. To add to the existing complications already sufficiently formidable a difficulty has arisen between Canada and the

United States over the fisheries question. Altogether the occasion is peculiarly unpropitious for a war with Prance, and Prance is perfectly well aware of the fact. Mr Gladstone has raised at Home a spirit which he will not find it easy to exorcise, and while the United Kingdom is torn with internal dissensions, it would he a most perilous undertaking to enter on a great war with a first-class Power, even were not the situation so seriously complicated by the other

difficulties to which we have referred. We can scarcely believe that Mr Gladstone would consent to declare war against France merely because the latter had annoyed certain Australian Colonies' by seizing some Islands in the -Pacific which England individually has no objection to her acquiring on conditions. It has always seemed to us a pity that the acquisition by France of the New Hebrides was not arranged on those conditions. If France would, in return, have ceded Rapa—" the Malta of the Pacific"—relinquished the transportation of recidivistes to the Pacific, and guaranteed equal rights of trade

at the New Hebrides, all of which it is understood that she was prepared to do in return for permission to annex the latter islands, it appears to us that such an arrangement would have been very satisfactory. "We do not ignore the considerations urged by those who advocate withholding the New Hebrides from France at all costs, but we hold that having regard to all the circumstances the alternative plan was preferable. It will be interesting to see what is the next move in this great game of chess, but we greatly fear England has been checkmated by the bold move of the Trench " Knight."

It is understood that the Canterbury, Nelson, and Westland members have fully determined to give a steady support to the Government until the Midland Railway contract shall have been finally completed and ratified, so that the undertaking is out of danger. An impression appears to prevail that a new Ministry might not be so favourably disposed. Rumour hints that, consequently, the Midland Railway Contract Bill will not reach its final stage until Ministers and their policy have become perfectly safe for the session.

In the recent division every member of the House, but two (excepting, of course, the Speaker) either voted or paired. The two exceptions were Mr Pyke and Mr Hamlin. Mr Pyke, it appears, had gone home to bed, under the impression that there was no chance of the division coming off that night—nor would it, had Major Atkinson risen a moment earlier, instead of being just too late —while Mr Hamlin, we believe, disapproved both the Ministerial policy and the manner in which the motion was brought forward, and consequently declined to vote on either side.

It is rumoured that Mr Bryce will move that the new loan be for only a million instead of a million and a half. It is not anticipated, however, that such a motion will be carried.

| The total takings on the railways for the 1 four weeks ending May 1 were L 101,772, I against 1.90,061 for the corresponding period of last year. The sum for the North Island was L 29,191, against L 24,150 last year; and for the South Island L 72,581, against L 65.911. All the sections of both islands show an increase except Nelson, where there is a falling off from L 1072 to L 963. Auckland section has increased to L 10,051 from L 8916, Wellington to Lsß7£> from L 5122, Wanganui to L 6601 from L 5248, Napier to L 5772 from L 4148, HurunuiBluff to L 67.735 from L 61,861. It must be remembered that on the Wellington and Napier sections there has been no increase in length of line during the year, and in the Wanganui section only three miles, whereas on the other large sections there has been groat extension. The working expenses for the four weeks have been for the North Island L 20,003, against L 14,753 last year, and for the South Island L 38.557, against L 35,071, making a total of L 58,560, against L 49.824 last year. On the Wellington section, the increase of expenditure for the period has been from 1.2934 to L 3983, or all but LIOOO. Auckland shows an increase of over L2OOO, Napier of over LI2OO, and Wanganui of over L7OO. On the Huru-nui-Bluff line the increase is almost exactly L3OOO. All the sections show an increase of working expenses, except Whangarei, where there is a decrease of about L 5. It may be noticed that the Wellington line shows receipts at the large annual rate of L 1306 per mile.

Further despatches from the AgentGeneral relative to the New Zealand Midland Railway, with enclosures, were presented to Parliament yesterday week, having been received by the San Francisco mail. The principal letter is the last, dated 21st April, which describes the successful issue of the negotiations and the final floating the Company, of which the prospectus and memorandum of association are also forwarded. In the latter, power is taken for “Applying for and carrying into effect any other contract for railways, docks, harbours, or other public works in the Colony of New Zealand ; constructing and working docks, harbours, and other public works, and reclaiming and utilising the foreshore in New Zealand; constructing, selling, leasing, and working hotels in New Zealand.” Evidently the scope of the Company’s operations will be very wide indeed.

Papers on the rabbit cusiance have been laid on the table of the House. They included the Superintending Inspector’s annual report, and a special report by the Undersecretary for the Colony on the working of the Act in Waihemo and Tapanui, the latter being entirely favourable to the District Inspectors, of whom Mr Cooper says :—“They are performing their difficult and onerous duties conscientiously, and as well as the circumstances by which they are surrounded will allow.” In the first-named report Mr Bayly states : “That matters have not progressed as satisfactorily toward the destruction of the pest, nor is the outlook so favorable as in previous years.” This is largely attributed to the hot and dry summer, but a hope is expressed that winter poisoning will again reduce the numbers. Mr Bayly states that the natural enemies of rabbits, which have been introduced, are in some places keeping them completely within bounds. He suggests experiments with poisons, and with the introduction of rabbits suffering from contagious or infectious disease. Though the rabbits have spread in several districts he does not think that there has been on the whole an increase in their numbers.

Recently Mr Fisher, M.H.R., brought under the notice of the Railway Department a new design of spark catcher said to have been invented by Messrs Scott and Franklin, of the New South Wales Railway Department. Mr Maxwell, the General Manager, writes to Mr Fisher: — “ 1 obtained particulars of it from Sydney. It may interest you to know that the design turns out to be similar to the pattern of spark-arrester with perforated plates which has been in use on the New Zealand railways for many years past.”

A very discreditable attempt has been made to bring the Wellington members into public obloquy on account of their having voted for Mr Montgomery’s motion in favour of retrenchment. They are violently denounced as having sought to do grievous injury to Wellington by thus voting, because in doing so they necessarily voted against the Government, and to enhance the effect of the denunciation, the Government is praised in terms of the most lavish and fulsome adulation, which must be sickening to Ministers themselves, while the constituencies are loudly called on to reject the men who could be so depraved as to vote against such a just and good, and holy and progressive Government. Moreover, with singular ill judgment it is asserted that retrenchment would cause less money to be spent in this city, wherefore it is argued that Wellington members should oppose it. This attempt to bully and intimidate the local representatives while Parliament is sittiug has created a very unfavourable impression, and has excited much disgust among the members of both Houses. We can assure them, however, that it is very far from representing public feeling in Wellington—indeed, utterly misrepresents it—and has been received with general disgust.

. The Goldfields Committee met on Monday, when the question of the chairmanship arose. A general wish wa3 expressed that Mr "Vincent Pvke should resume that position, which he has filled so long and so efficiently. Mr Pyke, however, intimated that in consequence of failing health he felt physically unequal to the labour that must fall upon a chairman of the Goldfields Committee if he did his duty. He therefore asked the Committee to excuse him on this occasion. The Committee acceded to Mr Pyke’s wish, and passed a hearty vote of thanks to him for his past valuable services, resolving also that a suitable testimonial should be presented to him in recognition of those services. Colonel Fraser was then elected Chairman of the Committee.

All the most important Chairmanships of sessional Committees are now filled up. Mr Turnbull and Mr O’Callaghan have been re-elected Chairmen of the Public Petitions and Waste Land Committees, but Colonel Trimble has replaced Mr Bradshaw in the Native Affairs Committee, and Colonel Fraser succeeds Mr Vincent Pyke on the Goldfields Committee. An impression prevails that no salaries to chairmen will be voted by the House this year.

Mr Ferguson, the able and energetic Secretary to the Wellington Harbour Board, has compiled a valuable and instructive history of the Board’s successive (but not successful) attempts to obtain endowments for this port proportionate to those bestowed on other New Zealand ports. A copy has been sent to each Wellington member of the Legislature, and it is to be hoped that they will be stirred up to renewed efforts to secure a measure of justice for this unfairly-treated port. We can discern no valid reason why the area formerly occupied by the railway, and lying between Bunny-street and Ballance-street, should not now be handed over to the Harbour Board, a narrow strip being reserved for any future continuation of the line to Te Aro. That unused area is at present simply an eyesore. It is not needed, and will not be needed for railway purposes, because, if more yard room and shunting space be required, it could more suitably be obtained (as formerly intended) by further reclamation at Pipitea than by absorbing such a valuable piece of land in the heart of the city. This ought to be “ kept steadily in view. ”

A paper has been laid before Parliament which bears on the taiaha, which has been placed in the Assembly Library, and which has given rise to some recent discussion. The paper contains notes of an inquiry made at Kihikihi in December, 1883, by Mr Bryce, then Native Minister, into the circumstances under which a man named Moffatt was murdered, in order to find out if the deed could be set down to political motives. Of this Mr Bryce satisfied himself, and he decided that the murderer came within the Amnesty Act, and had been pardoned by proclamation. From the evidence it appeared that the reason that Moffatt was killed was that he came within the district which Europeans were prohibited to enter, and not from private malice. The taiaha was given to a Maori named Ngatai, from which he understood that he was to kill the intruder. In a letter to Wahanui, announcing the pardon of Ngatai, Mr Bryce expressed a hope that the taiaha would be brought and presented as a token that the evil things of former days were to return no more.

Notwithstanding its ultimate curious collapse, the recent Parliamentary debate was of exceptional rhetorical merit. Most of the speeches were good in substance and well delivered. The best were those of Major Atkinson, Sir Robert Stout, Mr Fisher, Mr Bryce, Mr Ballance, and Mr Bruce, all of whom spoke with exceptional power and effect. New Zealand has had few Parliaments, if any, superior to the present House in debating ability.

Papers have been laid on the table relative to the proposed annexation of the Kermadec Islands by New Zealand. The Secretary of State in a despatch to the Governor sanctions the annexation, but encloses a letter from the Secretary to the Admiralty, who gives the reverse of a flattering or attractive picture of the islands. He says :—“My lords see no particular objection to the annexation of these islands (or islets) by New Zealand if that Government wishes it, but my lords cannot imagine any possible use which they can be to that Colony, except perhaps for some small and unimportant deposits of guano.” He adds that one islet was formerly inhabited by one family, who had to leave owing to a volcanic eruption. Dangerous sunken rocks outlie the islands to a distance of 100 miles in one direction. On the whole it does not appear that these new acquisitions (which lie about 600 miles from New Zealand) are likely to be of very great value.

A deputation of Auckland members waited on the Government last Friday to urge that a larger sum should be placed on the Estimates for the North of Auckland Extension Railway. The Premier expressed doubt as to this being practicable, but promised to consider the matter and to do the best he could.

There is some talk now of the session being brought to a close in five or six weeks’ time, and we believe the Government expect to finish at any rate next month. It remains to be seen whether these anticipations will be fulfilled.

Among the recipients of this year’s “ Birthday honors ” one more than ordinarily notable name occurs. We refer to that of Mr Justice Molesworth, of Victoria, upon whom her Majesty has conferred a knighthood. Probably no honour of * the kind .was, ever more worthily bestowed. Mr Justice Molesworth, who has just retired from the Victorian Bench at the ripe age- of 80 years, is one of the most remarkable men whom the Australasian Colonies have attracted to their shores. Sir Robert Molesworth, who, by-the-bye, was fourth in descent from Viscount Molesworth, emigrated to Australia in 1852, and the following year was chosen Acting-Chief Justice, being permanently elevated to the judicial Bench in 1856. The Melbourne Argus, in a leading article on his retirement from the Bench, says:—“ By the resignation of Mr Justice Molesworth the Victorian Bench has lost its ablest Judge, and the legal profession one of its acutest intellects. As of the ancient Greek, it may be said of him that a long day’s task is done. A career that has been seldom equalled in length of days and multiplicity of work has come to an end through the severe physical strain which is necessarily imposed. Mr Justice Molesworth is not only the oldest Judge of Victoria, but his commission antedates by a long way that of any occupant of the judicial bench in England. It is now thirty years since he was first raised to the position, which during that long time he has adorned, making a high office more dignified by the confidence which his judgments inspired.”

In reference to the papers upon annexation of the Kermadec Islands laid on the table last week, the Premier has given notice to move—That His Excellency’s Message be taken into consideration, and that the following respectful Address he presented to Her Majesty the Queen, praying that the Kermadec Islands may be annexed to New Zealand : —May it please your Majesty,—We, your Majesty’s loyal subjects, the members of the House of Representatives of the Colony of New Zealand, in Parliament assembled, beg to express our great satisfaction on learning that your Majesty has been pleased to order that the British flag shall be hoisted on the Kermadec group of islands ; and we now respectfully pray that your Majesty will be further pleased to order that those islands be annexed to this Colony.

We regret to learn that Captain Morris, M.L.C., and Mr W. J. Hurst, M.H.R., have been compelled to relinquish their legislative duties for the remainder of the session, owing to ill-health. Both have returned to their homes, and before leaving Mr Hurst paired against the Government. We hope they "will return next session with health entirely re-established.

Further papers relating to the proposed acquisition of the New Hebrides by France have been laid before Parliament. In a circular letter from the Colonial Office to the Agent-General for the Australasian Colonies the reasons are stated why the Imperial Government has thought it desirable, in the interests of the Australasian Colonies, that the proposal of the French Government should be fully considered. The French Government had explained that a further supply of labor must be provided for their islands in the Western Pacific, and that for this purpose they must send out further convicts, unless they could secure the necessary labor by acquiring the New Hebrides. If this were* agreed to, the French Go* vernment would not only abstain from sending forward the convicts which they were preparing to send, but would cease at once, and permanently, to transport convicts to the Western Pacific. Lord Granville says that, in the event of Her Majesty’s Government rejecting, at the instance of some of the Colonial Governments, this offer, especially if it should be accompanied by an offer of the island of Rapa, the position of Her Majesty’s Government in pressing hereafter the objections of the colonies to the transportation of convicts to French soil would be much weakened. It is also urged that the French Government would certainly not consent to the establishment of any other Power in the New Hebrides, and that if facilities for trade, and securities for religious freedom could be obtained, with a total cessation of the transportation of convicts by France to the Pacific, and the cession of Rapa, the arrangement would seem to be advantageous to the Australasian Colonies. In a despatch from M. Waddington to Lord Rosebery, it is stated that with the view of facilitating negotiations, the despatch of convicts to the Isle of Pines ha 3 been postponed. M. Waddington points out that New Caledonia has need of colonists, that the Australians have no need of new territory; and that in its offer, in order to preserve good relations between Australia and the French Pacific Colonies, the French Government has consented to a serious sacrifice.

Several preliminary meetings of Otago members have been held during the past week to consider what course should be adopted with reference to the petition of Otago Crown tenants for relief, but only desultory discussions have taken place, without any very definite result, excepting that a deputation was appointed to wait on the Premier and represent the case of the tenants. That deputation waited on Sir Robert Stout on Tuesday. It consisted of Dr Menzies, M.L.C., and Messrs Fergus, Cowan, Fulton, and G. F.

.Richardson, M.H.R.’s. The deputation represented very strongly the hardship of the tenants’ position owning to the great fall in the price of wool and the serious diminution of producing power, in consequence of the increasing mischiefcaused by the rabbit pest. The deputation dealt with the whole question, not merely in reference fe> the large pastoral tenants who had suffered so severely, but as affecting all the smaller tenants of the Crown as well. They pointed out the absolute necessity of the Government coming to the relief of these people by making a reduction of rent or in some other way. They urged that in cases such as the present private landlords always reduced the rents of their tenants, and the principle was one which the State might very reasonably act upon as well. With respect to the loss of revenue which might result, the deputation submitted that the Government would in any case have to face a falling revenue from this source, because it was admittedly the case that if the tenants were not relieved they would have to throw up their holdings, and then the Crown would have to accept new tenants at much smaller rents than those now paid ; consequently it would be better to take the more considerate. course and relieve the -present tenants by granting the reduction sought. The deputation urged that the question should be submitted to a special committee. The Premier suggested that the Waste Lands Committee would be the proper body to which to refer such a matter. The deputation asked if the Premier could not make some definite proposition on behalf of the Government. Sir Robert Stout replied that the whole question would be opened up in the Waste Lands Committee, and evidence taken, so that then, when the Committee reported, the subject would be fully discussed in the House. The deputation understood that the Premier was not warmly sympathetic with their object, or else that he was strongly impressed with the difficulties surrounding the question,so that they did not derive any very sanguine expectation of much relief being afforded on the motion of the Government. In a subsequent interview Major Atkinson expressed his regret that he had not been a member of the deputation, a 3 he could adduce several cogent cases which had come sunder his personal notice in his own district, and he held that reductions were imperatively necessary.

Mr Scobie Mackenzie has given notice to move on the 16th inst., to rescind the resolution passed by the House in October, 1884, on the motion of Mr Bradshaw, that the office of coroner should not be held by medical men in active practice. That was carried in a thin House of only thirty-nine members, and many members are anxious to see the whole question opened up afresh. Mr Bradshaw will strongly resist this motion, and it is understood he will be supported by many of the Ministerial party.

Mb. Moss’ ideas on the recidiviste quastion are pronounced. He asked the Government, If they will communicate with the Governments of the other Australasian colonies, to ascertain if it be practicable, so long as French convicts are sent to the Pacific, to unite in preventing intercourse with trading vessels coming from French colonial ports until it shall have been proved to the satisfaction of a competent officer at the port of arrival that such vessels have not among the passengers or crew any person who is a convict, or who has been a convict within the previous three years.

In the Legislative Council on Tuesday Sir F. Whitaker gave notice of a motion to the effect that, in the opinion of the Council, arrangements should be made between England and France with reference to the Western Pacific, that France should be allowed to annex the Hew Hebrides conditionally, on the discontinuance of deporting recidivistes to the Pacific, and the cession of Rapa to England. We heartily concur in this view, and we hope it will be affirmed by the Council. We should be glad also to see a similar resolution arrived at by the House of Representatives, notwithstanding the recommendation of the Select Committee. The acquisition of Rapa, and the exclusion of the French convict element from the Pacific would be cheaply purchased by the abandonment of the Hew Hebrides to annexation by France, and no considerations of mere sentiment ought to be allowed to stand in the way of so desirable an arrangement, provided it be still feasible.

Although we are glad that, in the peculiar circumstances of the case, Mr Montgomery’s motion was not carried, we should regret its rejection very seriously if this could be taken to mean a death-blow to all retrenchment for the session. But we do not think that this is the case. On the contrary, we have good reason to believe that Ministers secured their large majority mainly through very distinct private pledges that redactions should be effected. Hor was the accession of Mr Reynolds to the Ministry without its influence. That gentleman has long posed as the resolute champion of economy, and it was an £C open secret ” that he only accepted a seat in the Cabinet on the express understanding that the work of retrenchment should be energetically taken in hand. W T e anticipate therefore that before the Estimates are passed some

substantial reduction in various departments will be proposed from the Ministerial benches.