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New Zealand Mail, Issue 741, 14 May 1886, Page 23

It is believed that no amendment ot the Licensing Act will be initiated by the Government this session. The subject is a delicate and dangerous one to meddle with, and if once the work of tinkering the Licensing Act begins, nobody can conjecture where it will end, or in what shape it will leave the law on that troublesome question. But we understand that certain private members are likely to be less cautious.

One result of the present agitation con earning the insanitary condition of the city and the disclosures that have been elicited, has been to show very plainly that the Inspector of Nuisances is very heavily overburdened with the multifarious duties he is now expected to perform. No one man, however able and zealous an officer he may be —and Mr A. G. Johnson is both —can possibly discharge adequately the functions both of Inspector of Nuisances and of Relieving Officer to a city of the size of Wellington. The time has come when these offices must be separated and allotted to two different persons. By.all means let both be paid suitable salaries, it is the worst possible economy to pay good officers badly; but let the present plan of mixing up two onerous and incongruous positions and laying them on one man’s shoulders be discontinued at once. It is at least one good man’s work, and hard work, too, to carry on the sanitary inspection of this city as it ought to be conducted and as it must be conducted for the future, if the public health is to be protected.

In relation to the public health of Wellington much has been said and written lately about the “great heat,” the “ exceptionally hot weather ” . of the past summer. This is quite a mistake. There has been no “great” or “exceptional” heat all through the late summer, indeed, so far from this there have been very few previous seasons in, which the thermometer did not rise considerably higher. During the past summer the temperature of the air in shade never once reached 80deg. The greatest heat was only 79deg, and that was reached on only one occasion. Clearly, therefore, it iPs absurd to talk about “ excessive heat.” Much higher temperatures were registered in nearly every other town in New Zealand, notably in Christchurch, Dunedin, and Invercargill ; and in London, the summer before last, the mercury rose to 97deg in the shade. As a matter of fact extremes of temperature are never recorded in this city, which has the mo3t equable rate of any New Zealand town, but usually there are some days much hotter than any we experienced during this last summer. The mean temperature of the three summer months was actually O'ldeg lower than the average for 20 years, the deficiency in December being no less than I‘fideg.

The Hospital records show that during the three months ending 30th April, the number of typhoid cases treated was 38, as compared with 11 cases recorded for the same period of 1885.

It is greatly to be hoped that the threatened poor-rate may be averted through a liberal response on the part of the Wellington citizens to the appeal made by Councillor Coombe. There ought to be no serious difficulty in raising the sum required, especially when it is known that the imposition of a compulsory rate must be the necessary consequence of failure. We are glad that the City Council has consented to give the experiment a fair trial, and we trust that the result will be in all respects satisfactory.

The City Council acted very prudently in appending to their resolution in favour of the Te Aro railway the proviso suggested by Councillor Fitz Gerald, that the uninterrupted approach to the Queen’s Wharf should not be obstructed by the proposed railway extension. The wisdom of this rider must commend itself to every sensible person.

Among the first business submitted to Parliament will be, according to present intentions, the Native Land Administration Bill (formerly the Native Land Disposition Bill), and a Bill for Consolidating and amending the laws relating to municipal corporations. The latter is referred to more fully elsewhere.

It is understood that the Government are very desirous of avoiding, so far as possible, any general overhaul of the Hospitals and Charitable Institutions Act as to its main features and principles. Ministers purpose only, we believe, to introduce a Bill to rectify various errors of detail which crept in owing to the confusion in which the measure became ultimately involved during the troublous times it encountered in its passage through both Houses last year. The various little hitches and incongruities which practical experience in the working of the Act has proved to exist will be rectified so far as possible, but no such question as the amalgamation of the administrative bodies so as to reduce the present number of often conflicting authorities will be attempted. The Government are understood to be opposed to the idea of vesting the administration in the Borough and County

Councils, on the ground that these are virtually elected on a property qualification, which in their opinion should not be a condition entertained in regard to the administration of such Hospitals and charitable relief matters. The separate Boards will, therefore, not be interfered with by the Government, but it is feared that if once the vexed question of charitable aid gets again on the floor of the House there is every Hkehood of all the members trying their hands at improving it still further, and in that case it would be impossible to foresee the final outcome. The upshot is that Ministers will handle the difficult and dangerous subject as “gingerly” as possible, and will not meddle with the Act any more than they can help. It is rumoured, however, that several private members are bringing up perfect sheaves of amendments which they intend to press on the consideration of the House, so it is hard to say what will be the fate of the question. So far no definite or satisfactory alternative scheme has been mooted, and we shall not be greatly surprised if the Act comes out of the fire without having undergone any very material change.

Much curiosity has been felt and expressed as to the probable action of the U-overnment relative to the important and difficult question of the readjustment of representation, the present Act expiring next year. The fragmentary census returns already in seem to point conclusively to the claim of the North Island to an increased share of representation, while on the principle so resolutely insisted on by the South a few years ago, that part of the Colony would lose some of its members. Itis understood, however, that no final decision has yet been arrived at by the Government as to introduction of a new Representation Bill. We believe the Government hold that they ought to be in possession of the full census returns before dealing with this measure, as until these are available, it is impossible to ascertain definitely what shape the readjustment of representation ought to take. So far, the census returns are considered to show that the North Island is entitled to more members than at present, and the South Island to fewer, but it is thought possible that closer scrutiny and more detailed analysis may elicit that the disparity in progress is not so marked as it would appear from the returns hitherto published. It is generally believed that the subject will not be touched this session, but that possibly another session of the existing Parliament may be held, as it does not expire by effluxion of time until August, 1887. A rumour is afloat, however, that the Government will ask Parliament to pass a short Bill extending the operation of the present Representation Act for three months so as to avert any risk of the Act expiring while Parliament might be in session next year. Another rumour is that next year’s general election will take place under the present Representation Act. Some of the North Island members are already concerting measures in case this should be contemplated, and strenuous efforts will be made to force a readjustment before another election takes place, even if the forms of the House have to be strained to the utmost in the endeavour. But although all this is freely talked about, we have not the slightest reason to suppose that an attempt will be made tojhold the election under the present representation if the election comes on in the ordinary course. On the other hand, should an appeal to the country be necessitated during the coming session, that would alter the aspect of affairs, and in that case, probably, the election would necessarily be held on the present basi3. It is thought likely that recognition of this necessity will possibly render the North Island members somewhat chary of precipitating an appeal which would deprive them of the advantages they expect to derive from the large increase in population believed to have been general in this Island during the last five years as compared with the other Island. The question of amalgamating the various city constituencies, so as to secure greater “solidarity” of representation for each large city, will have to share the fate of the rest of the Representation Readjustment Question. The Premier is known to be warmly in favor of the proposed amalgamation, which has always been earnestly desired in Wellington, where the subdivision of this city was deeply resented ; but it is thought improbable that it will be taken in hand separately from the main business of readjustment, as the latter 1 must inevitably be faced at no distant date.

A communication was received by Mr Ballance, on Monday, from Tawhiao, intimating his intention of visiting Wellington during the present session. Tawhiao was to start immediately. He has not yet made up his mind as to accepting or declining a seat in the Legislative Council, but it is thought he will ultimately accept it. We understand that during his recent visit to the North, Mr Ballance was very successful in his efforts to obtain land on the North Island Trunk Railway, and that an area of some 400,000 acres will, in all probability, be secured ere long ; indeed, a large proportion of it is already rendered practically safe.

It is rumored that the Attorney-General will introduce a new Divorce Bill during the approaching session, and that its effect will be to place a wife on the same footing a 3 the husband in suing for a divorce. That is to say a wife will be en-

abled to petition for a divorce on the ground of adultery alone, unattended by cruelty or desertion. It is said, further, that the Bill will sanction dissolution of marriage in case of the hopeless lunacy of one of the parties, or in the event of con-, viction for felony and sentence to a lengthened term of imprisonment, desertion also being included as a ground of divorce. Some of these provisions are certain to be strenuously resisted, as tending to weaken the sanctity of the marriage tie, also as operating dangerously and oppressively in the case of a person unjustly convicted and subsequently released ; further, as holding out a premium to designing persons to undo repugnant matrimonial bonds. The unanimity of the Cabinet even on this point is doubted, and it is thought to be not improbable that we may see Ministers voting in different lobbies when the division is taken on the Bill.

It seems that unlucky steamer, the Mararoa —which, after starting a week late with the San Francisco mail, lost another day coming down to Auckland—met with another mishap on the passage, an accident to the machinery, causing a delay of 22 hours. This run of ill-luck is quite phenomenal. Tfie Mararoa has had a mishap nearly every trip she has made, and she has not yet been successful in accomplishing a single quick passage, although she is supposed to be the fastest boat the Union Steamship Company possess. One cannot help fancying, however, that there must be something more than mere bad luck to account for these repeated accidents to her machinery Before she starts on another long trip she ought to undergo a very careful and searching overhaul. Hitherto the breaking down of her machinery has happily involved no worse results than delay, but this immunity might not always attend such incidents, and recollecting the crowds of passengers who always fill the San Francisco mail steamers on their departure from this end, it is desirable that the peculiar liability of the Mararoa to break down whenever she goes to sea should be traced to its cause, and the latter if possible removed.

Greece’s attitude is both disquieting and suggestive. All further concessions to the demands of the Great Powers are refused, and the Greek Minister at Constantinople is recalled ; all the Foreign Ministers have left Athens —excepting the representatives of Russia and France. Exactly so. “Russia and France,” an ominous conjunction ! The Russian Minister “is awaiting orders from his Government.” No doubt, and it will be in the highest degree interesting to see what those orders will be. The mere fact of Russia assuming this independent attitude of separation from the rest of the Powers is gravely suggestive. Few will believe that the Greeks would have displayed such obstinacy and temerity of purpose unless they had been skilfully prompted from St. Petersburg and had received what they deemed a satisfactory assurance of Russia’s countenance, and, if required, her practical assistance in the enterprise. It is earnestly to be hoped that England will not find too late that she has been quietly drawn into war with Russia and left in the lurch by her allies, after the manner of her Egyptian experience.

European news, as received through American channels, gains immensely in interest of the sensational order. It is infinitely more exciting and tremendous than the tame version of the same circumstances which can be read subsequently in the English papers when they arrive. But we cannot shake off an uneasy feeling that these spicy items may have lost in trustworthiness what they have gained in zest. We fear they are no better than the ordinary material of which ‘‘history ” is made—perhaps worse. Two items in the San Francisco news are just a trifle suspicious. We are informed that the Prince of Wales has declared in favor of Home Rule. Just a grain or so of salt is needed to enable this to be digested. The other is almost too apposite to be accurate. The Americans always feel keenly what a public man ought to say in particular circumstances. Their politicians delight in posing for effect, and revel in elaborately-pre-pared impromptus. If a public person does not happen to have uttered the aphorism or epigram which was called for by the situation, it is readily done for him—in print. We fear the “ last words,” thus put into the mouth of the late Mr Forster, come within this category. To the American mind it would appear so national, so essential, that his final utterance on earth should be a denunciation of the Home Rule proposals that it would seem impossible to believe he could have failed to fulfil such a manifest duty. Accordingly we are presented with an impressive picture of the stern exMinister solemnly uttering with his dying breath the oracular words, “No Home Rule.” This is impressive, but we cannot help feeling a little scepticism as to its genuineness. It is so exactly the picture the American conception of Mr Foster would form—the dying man firm in his convictions until death, and grimly uttering on the very verge of eternity his detestation of Home Rule. It is a thoroughly characteristic American picture, but we prefer awaiting some corroborative testimony before accepting it as a genuine contribution to “ the history of our times.” The great battle in the House of Commons has begun. Mr Gladstone has moved the second reading of his Home

Rule Bill, and Lord Hartington has given notice that he will move its rejection. Here then is a clear and distinct issue to be fought out. If the numbers of Whig and Radical seceders from Mr Gladstone’s party on the question have been accurately estimated, the rejection of the measure appears probable. In that case, however, an appeal to the country would be inevitable, and the situation would be complicated by Mr Gladstone’s offer of autonomy to Scotland and Wales, as well as to Ireland. It would be a very curious thing if Great Britain should deliberately adopt the system of Provincial Parliaments, which New Zealand abolished ten years ago. For that is what this proposal in its latest shape practically amounts to.

Various calculations havebeen made as to the strength of the respective parties in Parliament, but theresulis do not ail tally. On one side it is calculated that the Government had a majority of four last session ; that this has been reduced by the secession of Mr Scobie Mackenzie and Mr Seddon to a tie, and that the presence of Mr Coster, who was absent last year, and who is counted as an Opposition vote, would give a majority of one against the Government in case of a hostile motion. On the other hand, however, it is doubted whether Mr Seddon’s vote is so certainly lost to Ministers, and it is thought that in a quite conceivable set of circumstances Mr Coster’3 vote might not improbably be recorded in their favour. In the event, therefore, of a simple motion of want, of confidence being tabled i‘ is manifest that the result would be a matter of considerable uncertainty. At present, however, it is not looked upon as at all likely that such a motion will be proposed, but it is anticipated that should any direct attack be made upon the Government it will take a more specific shape.

It is said that no amendment to the Address-in-Reply will be moved under the auspices of the regular Opposition party, it being considered preferable to await the production of the Government’s financial policy before deciding upon any definite course of action. No one, however, can attempt to predict what Sir George Grey may choose to do ■< in this respect. It is quite possible that he may repeat his tactics of last year, ... and assume the Opposition leadership by the simple process of moving an amendment of no confidence. Should he do so there is little doubt that it will be negatived by a large majority, as would have been the case last session had not Sir George Grey allowed judgment to go by default, the amendment, it will be remembered, being rejected on the voices without a division, in the absence of the mover.

The Financial Statement will, we understand, be brought down this year at a very early period of the session as was done last year. This is a very excellent and convenient practice, which Sir Julius Vogel deserves much credit for introducing, the former system of delaying the production of the Budget for several weeks after the opening of the session being objectionable in many respects, and highly inconvenient in its effect on the progress of public business. Rumour already talks of this year’s Financial Statement being delivered so early as Tuesday week, the 25th instant, but we believe no definite decision has yet been arrived at on this head. Indeed, it would be impossible to fix any day positively until the fate o? the Ad-dress-in-Reply should have been determined. If, however, the Address be voted unamended, the Budget will be introduced at the earliest practicable date afterward.

An impression prevails among Northern members that Ministers are very anxious to have the general election held under the existing Representation Act, some even suspecting that a collision might be precipitated in order to ensure this. The possibility was hinted at by Mr Dargaville in his speech at Auckland on Monday night, and that lion member even declared his intention of refusing supplies if a dissolution were at Granted without a new Representation Act, being first passed. Desirable as if is, however, that a readjustment of representation should take place before the next general election —imperative, indeed, if the Colony is to be fairly and justly represented in the new Parliament —it would be manifestly unreasonable to expect any Government against whom a no-confidence vote had been carried to undertake so difficult and delicate a task as a redistribution while they stood as declared not to possess the confidence of Parliament. Such a course would be obviously impracticable even were there any prospect of the needful data for redistribution being available from the census returns in time for a sudden dissolution early in this session. If, therefore, Ministers should encounter an early defeat, and succeed in obtaining an appeal to the country, it may be taken for granted that the election would be held under the existing distribution of representation. Possibly this consideration may materially influence the action of some members.

Among the various reports which fty about on the eve of a session one is to the effect that as the Government lay great stress on the fact that their administration was not attacked last session, an effor t will be made this year to

get up a case on which to assail them under this head. Another report is that the principal attack will be on the Ministerial finance, it being assumed that increased taxation will be proposed—as more than once indicated by Ministers during the recess—in which case it would be strenuously resisted. An idea seems to prevail in some quarters that an appeal to the country would hardly be granted in case of a defeat on the Budget, and that even were this conceded, a Government would hardly care to go to the constituencies on such a cry as the increase of taxation. On the other hand, it is held that such a defeat would entitle a Ministry, to whom no dissolution had previously been accorded, to claim an appeal, and that even increased taxation might be seductively put as being for the purpose of enabling niore money to be-borrowed (and spent), and of fostering local industries. A third possibility of formidable assault is thought to be in the Native Lands Administration Bill, which would assuredly have been lost last year if pressed to a direct issue, it being only saved from rejection by being shelved for the session. Several interesting possibilities are thus opened out.

The latest telegram received by the Government from the Agent-General touching the New Zealand Midland Railway Scheme corroborates the favourable account of its progress given in the Press cable messages. The shares are stated to be going off very satisfactorily, and the prospects of the undertaking are considered to be excellent.

The foundering of the world-renowned twenty-knot steamship Oregon seems to have been as inexplicable and mysterious an affair as some of our New Zealand marine disasters. The Australian Times, referring to the affair, states that according to the accounts given by the captain and officers of the steamer, the Oregon was run into by a schooner about 3 o’clock in the morning, the schooner at once disappearing, presumably sinking ; but the Oregon kept afloat seven hours, and all her passengers and crews, nearly 1000 souls, were transferred to other vessels and safely landed. None of the luggage or cargo was saved, and many of the mail bags were lost. No signs of the schooner have yet been found, and it is hinted that the Oregon was not in collision at all, and that the real cause of the disaster, was an explosion, possibly the result of dynamite. The vessel has been examined by divers, and it is reported that she has broken in two, a fact which lends colour to the explosion theory. The Cunard Company, however, still adheres to the statement about the collision, and until the official inquiry takes place the mystery will not be cleared up.