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The Premier.

SIR JULIUS VOGEL AT WANGANUI. (RER PRESS AGENCY.) Wanganui, Wednesday. The Luna arrived at 10.30 yesterday morning, earlier than was expected, shortly after which the Reception Committee proceeded on board to welcome Sir Julius Vogel. Mr. Alexander, chairman, presented the following address: —“To Sir Julius Vogel, K.C.M.G..— Sir, —We, the electors and inhabitants generally of Wanganui and surrounding districts, desire to welcome you amongst us. In recognition of your distinguished services to the colony, this district has returned you by a large majority as one of its members in the General Assembly, and is gratified to have identified with it a gentleman who by his own merit alone has won a first place amongst the statesmen of the British colonies. Your return to the colony in improved health has created pleasure and satisfaction throughout its length and breadth. New Zealand has watched your efforts to serve her while absent, and even those in political opposition cannot but acknowledge the great and imperishable nature of the results you were enabled to achieve. The success with which you negotiated the four million loan upon terms most favorable even at a critical peried in the history of the colony, as well as the untiring industry you devoted to a great number of questions of the first importance to the whole colony, is admitted upon all sides. There is no reason to express anything but faith in the future, but whatever changes may take place, we recognise the patriotism of a statesman who has established so many claims to our esteem. The district which you represent has special reason to thank you for the bold and decisive action which you took with regard to the question of the abolition of provincialism. This is a subject on which Wanganui and the surrounding t districts have long held decided opinions, and it has been generally felt that local government can never be brought home to the people until a system so centralising in its tendencies as provincialism is abolished, or that the natural impulses of New Zealand will ever move in harmony while there exists so many bodies claiming parliamentary privileges. We believe that a broad and liberal system of local self-government is being matured, and it give us no inconsiderable pleasure to think that your colleagnes will have your assistance and experience in framing this important measure. We earnestly hope that your health may be completely restored, and that you may long continue to direct the people of New Zealand in laying the foundations of a great and . prosperous colony.” Sir Julius Vogel, in replying, said he came perfectly unprepared to receive an address, and expressed gratification at the way he had been received by the people of Wanganui. He had exerted himself for the benefit of the colony, during severe illness, and was pleased at the recognition. When he arrived in Melbourne, he was agreeably surprised to hear that so important a constituency as that of Wanganui had elected him as one of its representatives, and for which he begged to thank them. His connection with the town dated from his connection with the Fox Ministry, when he carried a measure for securing a bridge at a time when money was only spent for war purposes in the North Island. He would address the electors on Thursday, when he would not only address them as their representative but as the head of the Government, and give a full expression of its future policy, and the manner in which they intended to carry out a local system to supersede provincialism. He again thanked them. The reception was very enthusiastic, and cheers were given for himself and Lady Vogel. He goes this afternoon to Wairoa and Waitotara to look at the country. Wanganui, Thursday. Sir Julius Vogel addressed his constituents at the Odd Fellows’ Hall to-night. The place was crowded, and there was great enthusiasm. On the platform the leading citizens and many ladies were assembled, Mr. Bevan in the chair, who congratulated those present on the divulgence to them of what interested the whole colony. Sir Julius Vogel rose, and was received with vociferous applause. He said he appeared under the gratifying circumstance that notwithstanding the strong debates of last session and the attacks upon him made in his absence he had been returned by ft large majority for Wanganui.

When he heard of his return in Melbourne he was anxious to visit Wanganui, and desired to give explanations both as member and Premier. He wa3 sensible of the generous exertions he had received during the elections from strangers. He would co-operate with Bryce. Having two members of same opinion, Wanganui would not be disfranchised by voting in different lobbies. From what he had seen he had had afforded to him evidence of the advance of Wanganui in prosperity. The town and district bore on every side signs of future prosperity. There was one good feature about the place, every one was attached to the town. When people were complaining of the bad times everywhere in past years, the inhabitants had still said, “ There is no place like Wanganui.” He derived pleasure not only from the presence of his constituents, but also from the gladness it afforded him to see their wives and daughters present. This might be marked as the commencement by the ladies of an interest in the public affairs of the colony. Personally he held strong convictions that it was not right to confine the exercise of the franchise to the male sex. The privilege should be extended to women ; but he uttered this opinion as a private member, and not as speaking as one of the Government. He might mention, however, that in the municipal elections at Liverpool 10,000 females had voted. He expressed regret at not having been able during his stay to visit the district more widely. 111-health had prevented his doing so. He proposed talking to them to-night not so much as their representative, but rather as the Premier of the colony. A large responsibility was involved in delivering an address which was colonial and not local in its intention. With regard to the abolition of the provinces, he might say that no district had more consistently maintained the necessity for such abolition than Wanganui had. He would speak first to them of the results of his visit to England. The cable uniting this colony telegraphically with Australia had been successfully laid since he spoke at Wellington, and the accomplishment of this would compare favorably with any similar enterprise in the civilised world. No great length of cable had been previously laid without a single hitch before the contract time. The commercial, social, and political results of this undertaking could not be exaggerated. The cost to the colony and the tariff of charges were exceedingly low. He had succeeded in making an arrangement with the Bank of England for inscribing New Zealand stock, which w r as subject, of course, to Parliamentary approval. Hitherto the New Zealand debentures had been changed like coupons ; now they were payable to bearer, and the use of them was as convenient as that of money. There was an embarrassment in the case of coupons hitherto, especially in the case of trustees. When there were several of such there was a risk in holding a large amount of paper security. It would devolve on New Zealand if the people could be entered as creditors of the colony on the same principle as that in which Government ~ Consols were held at Home. Various municipalities were acting at Home on the same prineiple as that which he had obtained for New Zealand stock. No body but the Bank of England could carry out the twofold operation of inscribing stock and issuing bonds to bearer, and he had succeeded iu getting this done for as low a charge as 4 per cent. His anticipations on the subject were fully realised, for the other Australian colonies, though their Agents General, wished to effect the same thing, and he had assisted them to obtain their desires. Speaking about harbors, Sir Julius Vogel said that at Wellington he had. said that the harbor should not be under the management of the City Council, and his remarks had been misconstrued. People thought that the Government wanted to upset all horbor arrangements, but that was a great mistake. What he had said was that harbor administration should not be confined to municipal representatives, whose government might be more or less successful in theory, but as a matter of practice, harbor interests should be administered by those whose interests were connected with harbors, and municipal governments did not include all these. In leaving the work of administration to a limited body not representing all interests, the true theory of representation was not carried out.. The administrative bodies for harbors should be, in a measure, elective, rather than of a nominee character. Nominee bodies started generally very well, but fell asleep from want of being criticised. Elective bodies got abused, but that kept them up to their work. He hoped that to-morrow the two boards, harbor and municipal, would coalesce. The sum of £9500 had been granted to improve the navigation of the Wanganui river, and as provincialism could not last Wanganui would soon have a large sum of money to begin with. In the session of 1874 he had found that all hope of preserving provincialism was at an end; and so great was his regret at being forced to this conclusion, that at first he only wished to dispose of the provinces of the North Island, but he was forced to act under a strong sense of duty. Doing this had cost him many friends, and the disturbance of many political ties. He instanced Mr. Macandrew, and said he felt the severance which a sense of duty and the needs of the colony alone had dictated and rendered imperative. No public man was more disinterested than Mr. Macandrew. He (Sir Julius Vogel) had not been long a disbeliever in provincialism, like his friend Mr. Bryce, but he thought it was now beyond the strength of the colony to continue the system. With regard to the question of finance, he thought that the provinces should be dealt with without favoritism. They had been in the past endeavoring to emulate the Public Works policy, and ten bodies were trying to spend all the money they could procure. The Home Govei-nment took away the troops, and left us with a debt of six millions ; and as a vigorous colony, with settlements on a small fringe of coast line, it was necessary to introduce more people to revive our energies. Some called ours a bold policy. Few other countries could

adopt it. At the same time it was with us a policy of necessity. The money expended in opening up the two islands could not be misapplied. It not only carried on immigration, but it attracted people into the colony who brought with them capital to invest. The working classes saw that in introducing others they enlarged the wants of the colony, and thereby increased employment. Immigration could certainly be overdone ; but so long as labor and capital acted concurrently—as long as those who had means settled on the land, with our present almost instantaneous communication with England, we were safe. In inaugurating the Public Works policy the Government had at first proposed trunk lines of railway, at a cost of £10,000,000, to be constructed in ten years, but the Legislature had put ou a pressure to have them at once, and so save interest ; and since 1871 as much had been done as was at first intended to have been done in double the time, and hence they had to go again on the money market. Notwithstanding the spiteful expressions which had been used, the four million loan had been successful, and was borrowed in the English market within forty-eight hours. Some colonists in London, who should have assisted, had done a great deal of injury to the colony. It would be necessary that we should not exceed the credit we possessed. We could not expend money on large works year after year, and let the provinces do the same, and then pay their debts; and few people would realise the position in which the Government would be in consequence when they took the provinces over. He, for himself, would then be happy if he found no overdraft, liabilities, or outside engagements unprovided for, which did not exceed half a million. He knew one province which, having £200,000, had spent that and hypothecated £150,000 more before September next. The policy of the General Government was to apportion to each Provincial Government the general revenues. - The Consolidated Revenue must be so regulated that we should not exceed our demands. Borrowed money must be expended on bona fide public works, and if borrowed, must be borrowed for reproductive works ; and the ordinary revenue must be devoted to general purposes. The financial position required careful consideration without doubt, and we must be prepared not to be unduly elated, and so expend beyond our means. We had all the money and the credit which for the interest of the colony it was advisable we should expend. The proposal to have two provinces in both islands the Government would uncompromisingly oppose. The compact of 1856 was not an undesirable one if we considered it, but some of those who spoke of it and thought of it as sacred, and professed to regard it as such, were the very men who wished to incorporate the land fund of the Middle Island. A great deal had been unnecessarily said on this point, and there was a strong feeling that the land revenue should have a special application. Judging from his own previous experience, he thought that not much would be said on this subject in the House, for the prophets were generally wrong, and the subjects on which discussion is anticipatedare those which are generally subsequently neglected. With regard to the future, the duty of the Government would be to supply a form of local government of a more inexpensive character. In this respect the difficulties cleared away as the subject was approached. They were not unmixed difficulties ; but with extra work in Parliament they would be able to give a system of local self-government which would encounter the difficulties first anticipated. He might draw a picture to illustrate the position. In approaching a strange town certain prominent characteristics appeared ; as you got nearer they were blended in the general appearance of the place, which nevertheless still preserved its local character. The principles the Government wished to lay down were a broad and general distinction between works which did not require Provincial Government supervision, such as gaols, harbors, &c.; and the people would know no difference in management when they took these over other than they did in the conduct of the postal and telegraph service by the General Government at present, and the people whilst recognising no change would admit the economy. There would be no difference in administration and yet a saving in cost. There would not be so much friction with the new system as that of the Provincial Government and the General Government. The whole would work smoothly so as not to come into conflict with other institutions. The law on the abolition question as it at present stood, said that the day after the end of the session the provinces would cease to exist. The previous session this had been merely a conjectural question ; but now the Superintendents only held office till on that day another government ■would replace them. They must take immediate steps to realise their responsibilities. The first step would be to place themselves in a position to tell Parliament next session the cost of carrying out the new services required of the General Government, and the strength of the staff necessary! They would incorporate the provincial services temporarily, till administration could be handed over to local bodies, and the Government intended to invite the cordial co-operation of the Superintendents in advising as to whose services should be retained and whose should not. These expenses would be paid from the department of the Colonial Secretary. To continue the police and armed constabulary as separate bodies would be to create offence, for the police force was older than the other, and he knew of his own experience that they had a police force in Ofcago which deserved the highest consideration. It was proposed that the police should be placed under the department of the Minister for Justice, as well as gaols, &c. Crown lands, survey, sheep inspection, &c., would be left to the Crown Lands department, to be afterwards absorbed by local governments ; but there was no wish to effect any irritating or. rapid changes, and it would be necessary in the

first instance to be cautious. The goldfields were not entitled to that exceptional treatment which their members desired, but they were entitled to local governing bodies to determine on their own interests. Something must be done to facilitate the settlement of the land, which should be effected less by artificial means than by throwing open the land to all. All should begiven opportunities for obtaining land, and should have it on easy terms of purchase. Concerning railways and public works, there were many lines of which the Government must take charge, and after next session they would be taken over by the Public Works department, but this would only be temporary, as they would eventually devolve from the management of the Public Works, and would be confined to their respective localities, and their would-be local treasuries for the payment of contractors and others. The harbors would pass to the control of the Customs department, not including improvements proposed. Education, hospitals, asylums, &c., would be under the Minister of Justice, but only temporarily, so that Parliament might localise in these directions. Education, however, would be greatly under local control, but at the same time the duty of the Government would be to watch over it, and charitable institutions with jealousy. Government would send round three of the ablest civil servants in the colony to all the provinces, to carry letters of introduction to the Superintendents. They could refer them to the provincial auditors, but would prefer to refer themtothe Superintendents. Hehoped thatthe Superintendents would recognisethatit was their duty and privilege to help them to the utmost extent. In respect to the Civil Service, Sir Julius said that it was said a great amount of money might be saved by dispensing with a great number of civil but if there was not a great amount of money to be saved the theory of the thing would not work. So much pressure was often put on the Government that another appointment had to be found for quietness sake. What would be the effect of dispensing with all the provincial officers ? Why, so much trouble even to those who professed Joe Humeism. There was a certain amount of kindliness in all natures which led governments not to sacrifice men to political exigencies, but to deal liberally with them. He should propose that the provincial officers to be dispensed with should be dealt with . more liberally in the way of compensation than the present authority admitted of. He did not think that civil servants were overpaid. The rise in house-rent and the price of goods through the Public Works policy was making them the sufferers. Still, the Government would look into the matter, and see that the public service w r as not extravagant. There should not be one superfluous officer, but each one should be well paid. Government would submit a statement to the House regarding abolition. They were not prepared to let seven men in the House revise the law, but would accept it as it stood and qualify it to make it take effect next session. So long as things went on as smoothly as they were going on at present some Superintendents could not realise that there was going to be a change, but when they saw things face to face they would be inclined to assist the Government of the country. The system of local government to be submitted to Parliament would not be for the purpose of increasing the central power of the General Govei-nment, but of diminishing it. The Bill introduced last year, though the same as that working in other colonies, would not find favor as it afforded opportunities for erecting an opposition from amongst the local bodies. Government would propose a system in which road districts and counties should be distinct as regards revenue, whilst at the same time it would be left open to them to co-operate. The whole country would be divided into counties, but whether this would be undertaken by Government or commissioners it had not been determined. The boundaries of the counties would be subject to alteration. It was proposed in the meantime that the Government should make seven divisions, and each division of county boundary not to return more than seven members to a board (sic). The first board in each case to have an existence of twelve months, and afterwards the county boards to determine their own duration. Each county to elect a chairman by all its constituents —a chairman who should be paid out of the revenues, but if paid, not to sit in Parliament. The counties to have the charge of main roads, and to construct other works connected with the districts, confined to large arterial works, and to be different from road boards; to receive liberal subsidies from the land and consolidated funds equally divided ; also to receive licenses, tolls, &c., but not to have powers of special taxation without the consent of the ratepayers. County and road boards to be perfectly independent. Next session Government would only deal with counties and not with road boards. No borough to be included in any county; but to stand distinct. In case any county should require assistance in public works, the Public Works department to carry out such, and save the expense of management. Counties to have power to borrow under special circumstances, but the colony not to be responsible, such money to be raised on its own security. The trunk system of railways must be carried out, so that Auckland will be placed in communication with. every province in this island, and every province in the other island with each other. The Government proposed to dispense with borrowing as far as possible, and to give security to the public creditor. This system would give the fullest local government that could be conceived. The goldfields as counties should be as well able to look after their own interests as agricultural districts. He could not give any pledge about an Education Bill this session, but would like to abolish special rates, and there should be larger local control and general committees amenable to some superior board. He did net desire to

upset the special features existing, and would not promise to go in for a sweeping measure next year, but would see that education was properly carried on from one end of the colony to the other. He would ' not allow an uneducated population to grow up. All immigrants required should be intro- '■ duced, but no more. He did not consider that the boundaries of counties should be neces- ' sarily coterminous with the boundaries of provinces, and counties might be divided. The land fund should be divid ed half on the basis of population and half on that of area. The present system, under which the provinces were responsible for the debts and interest on railway management, presented insuperable difficulties, • and the Government proposed to ask Parliament to take over the control and responsibilities of all railways in the colony. Next week they were going to carry out a railway between Canterbury and Otago, the boundary being in the middle of a river, which would make an adjustment of accounts difficult. When the change in provinces was affected a person might visit it without missing the Superintendents. Towns to have large revenues, education general, and flourishing not isolated harboi-s to be in the hands of local boards with ample means. The Government to have charge of ; immigration and railways. In fact, in this respect to take a through ticket, and not care whether money Avas made or lost in any * one province. Charitable institutions to ” be localised. Such a system was much less costly, Avhilst the machinery Avould Avork much more easily and harmoniously than had ever been the case. He Avould always admit the great good that provincial institutions had done in the past, and the disinterestedness of those A\ r ho had administered them ; still, he thought the whole colony Avould benefit by the change. He hoped as long as he Avas connected Avith Wanganui they would never have less reason to be dissatisfied Avith him than he had at the present time to be dissatisfied Avith them. (Applause.) A vote of thanks was moved by Mr. Duthie, and after allusions to local matters, was carried amidst tremendous applause. Sir Julius Vogel is to be entertained at a banquet to-morrow, and Avill probably leave the next day in the Luna. THE VOGEL RECEPTION BANQUET. (From the Australasian.) In the speech Avith Avhich he acknoAvledged the toast of his health at the reception banquet accorded to him at Wellington, Sir Julius Vogel had no deficiency of matter to his hand. The mere enumeration of the services he had been enabled to render the colony during his visit to England, and a review of the very important subjects to be dealt Avith by the Government and Parliament during the ensuing session provided him with ample materials. Having such a record of services rendered to present, and animated and exalted as he must hav T e felt by the more than cordial welcome which he received on his return, it Avould have been almost excusable if Sir Julius Vogel had been led into language Avhich, read away from the inspiring influences of the moment, might have seemed vain and egotistical. But the Pi’emier of Nexv Zealand is too good an artist to make such mistakes as this. He could take care that his story should lose nothing—as, indeed, it ought to loose nothing—by being told by himself, and at the same time shun the discredit attaching to a display of undue energy in sounding one’s oAvn trumpet. He gave his hearers a rapid and animated narrative of xvhat he had done, explained the grounds on Avhich he had acted, briefly replied to criticisms and cleared up misconceptions, and left the judgment to be formed to his audience and the public. Whatever hie adversaries may consider of the policy of Avhich Sir Julius Vogel is the author, even they cannot deny that, when representing the interests of the colony in England, he did so in an energetic and patriotic manner, and shrank from no labor or trouble Avhen the advantage of Nexv Zealand was in question. Although he had, as he shoxved, to struggle on his arrival at Home against a strong prejudice hostile to Nexv Zealand, the result of press and magazine criticism, he did so triumphantly, and secured a successful negotiation for the loan he floated on the London market. Sir Julius Vogel Avas also perfectly entitled to take credit for his successful arrangement for the formation of a telegraph cable. He pointed out that, although he Avas authorised to bind the colony for 35 year 3 to a payment of £20,000 a year, he had only found it necesssry to make the colony responsible for £SOOO for 10 years. Naturally, also, he alluded to his fortunate stroke in effecting the arrangement Avith the Bank of England for inscribing the loans of the colony, and expressed the opinion that the result Avould “ very much enhance the value of all colonial securities of every colony that takes advantage of the arrangement.” These services are real and apparent, admitted alike by foes and friends ; but all of Sir Julius Vogel’s hearers xvere made to understand that there were many other unspecified Avays in Avhich his advocacy and business representations had tended to advance the interests of the colony, and conciliate for it the good wishes of outsiders. In referring to the course of political events during the last session, Sir Julius Vogel from the first thoroughly identified himself with the action of his colleagues. He shoAved how the idea of abolition of the Provincial Governments was forced on the Government—hoAv it Avas first limited to the North Island, but soon seen to be equally applicable to the Avhole colony—and how, ultimately, considerations of the financial credit of the colony, and the virtual collapse of the provincial system, made its abolition a matter of absolute and immediate necessity. For some time past the Government of the colony had been doing provincial Avork. Indeed, for “ years past all the provincial work had been executed by money filtered through the General Government or General Assembly.” These facts,

xvhile making the change a necessity, also tended to diminish its extent and its effects. In reviexving the tactics by Avhich the Government measure had been obstructed, Sir Julius Vogel did so Avithout asperity or severity. As the leader of the conquering side, he could afford to be generous to his opponents. But in denouncing their subsequent demand for separation as a cry Avhich is “ not an honest one,” and as one which is “ not made with any other idea than that it might divert attention from other important objects in viexv,” Sir Julius employed a severity of tone Avhich the apparent unreality and utter claptrap of the policy of the Opposition on this point abundantly justified. He proceeded to shoAV how much Avork remained to be done before the great constitutional change Avas complete—how a system of local government had to be provided—how existing local debts had to be arranged for —hoAv the land fund and the administration of the land Avould claim the most serious attention. The really important question was “ not a question of the destination of the land fund, but a question of the administration of the land laAvs. They should be dealt Avith in a liberal spirit, which should keep a check upon monopoly, and to the fullest possible extent allow the lands to be throAvn open, so that everybody Avho Avishes to live upon his own land may do so.” As indicating the liberal feeling of the Government on the subject of municipal government, the Premier of NeAv Zealand expressed the view that “ the advancement of municipal government is one of the greatest movements of the present age, and that it is going back to the old days of free cities. Poxvers are being given to municipalities of a very extended nature.” Sir Julius concluded his speech with a gloAving eulogium on NeAV Zealand, as “ emphatically the colony for the working classes,” and maintained his claim to be numbered among these, as a self-made man, and as one who had all his life been a hard Avorker. Sir Julius Vogel quitted the colony Avhen the great constitutional strife on the abolition question was still in the future ; he returns to it when the fight is over, and when the party to which he belonged, and which Avas animated by his spirit, stands on the field as the conquerors. This result, moreover, he finds ratified by the judgment of the country, as expressed very distinctly in the late elections. He xvas doubly fortunate—in being a victor in a struggle from the excitement and bitterness of xvhich he Avas far aloof, and as coming back to gather the spoils of a victory Avithout sharing in any of the passions of the fight. Sir Julius Vogel’s speech showed that he Avas fully conscious of the special good fortune of • this position. There was a tone of calm, liberal, lofty statesmanship about it Avhich no jarring note of partisan or personal feeling disturbed. If in his possessing the advantages of his favorable position the Premier is fortunate, it is not too much to say that the colony is equally fortunate that the case is so. The actual difficulties of the future of the colony are so obvious, the possible dangers are so apparent and so grave, that Nexv Zealand cannot afford to permit its destinies to be made the sport of party tactics or personal ambition. Its rule will, for some time to come, form a task for the successful administration of which the greatest prudence and political wisdom, and, above all, the most steadfast and single-minded patriotism, will be imperatively necessary. Sir Julius Vogel has a most important xvork before him. He possesses peculiar advantages for its fulfilment, and it is to be hoped that the conditions xvhich depend upon himself, and upon the spirit Avhich directs his labors, xvill not be wanting.

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Bibliographic details

New Zealand Mail, Issue 236, 18 March 1876, Page 21

Word Count
5,528

The Premier. New Zealand Mail, Issue 236, 18 March 1876, Page 21

The Premier. New Zealand Mail, Issue 236, 18 March 1876, Page 21