The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1945 THE GOVERNOR-GENERALSHIP

New Zealand Herald, Volume 82, Issue 25300, 6 September 1945, Page 4

The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 6, 1945 THE GOVERNOR-GENERALSHIP

All New Zealand will heartily applaud the announcement that the Dominion's next Governor-General is to be the distinguished and gallant soldier who has commanded the Second New Zealand Expeditionary Force from its inception, and has shared to the full its hardships and lasting glory. The choice of Sir Bernard Freyberg as successor to Sir Cyril Newall, who has given conscientious service, does not come as a surprise. It was mooted even before the German capitulation and appeared in the press as a strong if unofficial probability when Sir Bernard abandoned his proposal to stand for the House of Commons at the post-war British general election. The end of every war finds senior commanders with their occupation gone, and it is natural that some of them should find new scope for their administrative gifts as His Majesty's representatives in the Dominions and sometimes in the colonies, although the latter are now mainly the preserve of specialist career officers. In the nineteentwenties, New Zealand was honoured by the presence of Earl Jellicoe, and Viscount Byng of Vimy became Governor-General of Canada, whose troops he had commanded. Before this war was over, Viscount Wavell was selected as Viceroy of India, where previously he had been Commander-in-Chief, and the gallant service of Viscount Gorfc in Malta should be remembered. Only yesterday Field-Marshal Alexander accepted the Governor-Generalship of Canada. The Duke of Gloucester in Australia is a special case, but he, too, has deserved well of the Empire through the years of struggle. New Zealand, therefore, has ample precedent and is on sound ground. There could be no happier choice than of a Governor-General who is at the same time an Englishman and a New Zealander, and who can thus make the best of both worlds. Sir Bernard Freyberg was born in England, but educated in this country, which he left to seek the adventure and danger his soldier's heart craved. Although he did not fight among the Anzacs, he was a Gallipoli man, and was decorated for a feat of unusual bravery which, had it been performed centuries earlier, would have found its way into Greek history or legend. His Victoria Cross, won at Beaumont Hamel, was regarded as in some sense a New Zealand honour. When in later years his friend Sir James Barrie-incorporated him in a piece of enduring literature, the famous Edinburgh address was eagerly bought and read in this country. His career in the Regular Army was watched .with interest, and when —on Mr Churchill's suggestion, it is said —he was brought from retirement to command the Second N.Z.E.F., approval among both soldiers and civilians was complete. Sir Bernard's career in this war can almost be summed up in the statement that he' was well called a "salamander," and'that he was perfectly at home in the "ball of fh - e" which New Zealand and he had created. His own bravery was a legend which had the added virtue of truth, and it matched the courage and fortitude of his men. Military historians have yet tc evaluate Sir Bernard Freyberg'j achievements as a commander, bui that he was a first-class fighting soldier and a source of inspiration tc his men is abundantly proved. Amid all the" regrets that accompanied the tragedy of Crete, no one could be found to impugn his handling of the situation there. In the break-through at Minqar Qaim and in the famous "left hook" at El Hamma he shone again as an independent leader. All through he never lost the common touch; his men could joke with him, and they knew that he never forgot their welfare. On his hurried visit to New Zealand in 1943, parents and wives of soldiers found him a sympathetic listener who readily answered their questions. It must not be forgotten that, beside his command in the field, he had the task of administering the whole Expeditionary Force overseas. His interest in the wellbeing of all ranks was shared by Lady Freyberg, whose work in Egypt was invaluable. They will both take Vice-Regal office next year under the happiest auspices, with literally thousands of friends ready made wherever New Zealand soldiers and service women have fought and worked. The King's representative in New Zealand can accomplish much. He represents the dignity of the Crown as the symbol of the Empire's unity. Further, he is a living symbol of tho State in its best modern sense, not as a totalitarian Moloch, but as a great family in which true human values prevail and which stands above the necessary turmoil of democratic party politics. When the representative has a personal record like that of Sir Bernard Freyberg, his presence here must have a fine and uplifting influence, especially among young people, in the difficult and perhaps disillusioning years that lie ahead. AGREEMENT ON TANGIER An end is to. be made of the Spanish occupation of Tangier, which was seized by Franco in June, 1940 j with the alleged object of safeguarding the neutrality of tho zone. Britain, the United States, Russia and France have agreed to restore tho international status of Tangier in the terras of a convention drawn up in 1923, 4 . amended in 1928 and which was to continue until 1948. The convention recognised the sovereignty of the Sultan and vested legislative powers in an international assembly comprising four French, four Spanish, three British, three Italian, one American, one Belgian, one Dutch and one Portuguese, all of whom were nominated by their respective consuls. Tn addition, there were six Moslem and three Jewish subjects of the Sultan nominated by his representative. The real power, however, was in the hands of a Committee of Control

composed of the consuls of Belgium, France, Britain, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain. The United States never appointed a member of the assembly, on the grounds that its representation was too small to allow it to accept responsibility for the acts of the assembly. The new convention recognises the interests of the United States and Russia in the Mediterranean. Spain L still represented but as no more than a partner. international control of Tangier will prevent this key position from becoming a menace to peace. Amendments may later be made to the convention to give more representation to the Tangier electorate, to ease the burden of the annual fixed charges and to give better attention to the economic interests of the zone, which are inseparable from those of Spanish .Morocco. LEND-LEASE COMMITMENT Members of Parliament should be reasonably well informed on the larger questions of the day. It is surprising, therefore, to find Mr W. A. Sheat in the Budget debate pressing for information that has been documented and can be readily obtained. Referring to lend-lease, Mr Sheat asked the Government to say candidly if it had entered into any commitment to lower barriers against American trade with New Zealand. The answer is yes, but the commitment is mutual, applying not only as between the United States and New Zealand, but also to all other countries willing to reciprocate. Mr Sheat can find this answer embodied in article VII. of the Mutual Aid Agreement between Britain and the United States, an agreement subsequently duplicated between America and many other countries, including New Zealand. The article provides for "agreed action . . . directed to the expansion . . . of production, employment, and the exchange and consumption of goods ... to the elimination of all forms of discriminatory treatment in international commerce, and to the reduction of tariffs and other trade barriers; and, in general, to the attainment of all the economic objectives set forth" in the Atlantic Charter. If Mr Sheat or anyone else is doubtful of the application of the article to New Zealand, he should refer to a pamphlet on the International Monetary Fund issued last year by the Department of External Affairs. There it is affirmed that New Zealand has stated in the Mutual Aid Agreement with the United States that the provisions and principles laid down in the master agreement between Britain and America are also applicable to the Dominion. There can be no question of the commitment which, it should be remembered, is mutual. It should be noted, however, that America has already contravened article VIII. of the agreement, providing that "it shall continue in force until a date to be agreed upon by the Governments." Whether that unilateral action can be regarded as freeing other parties from given commitments, if they desire to free themselves, is a point open to consideration.