The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1944

New Zealand Herald, Volume 81, Issue 24825, 23 February 1944, Page 4

The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1944

THE BRITISH VOTER Because the British voter, or the voters in the electorate of West Derbyshire, have returned an unexpected verdict at a by-election, a whole Hood of discussion about the mood of the country, and the possible future of politics in Great Britain, has arisen. It is an old tendency revived. The results of by-elec-tions have always been accepted in Britain as important pointers toward future trends. In the days when the normal party situation existed, defeat in a succession of these contests, especially near the end of a Parliamentary term, has caused a party to decide on a dissolution in the hope of stemming an adverse tide before it ran too strongly. The present party truce has destroyed the simplicity of such forecasting. West Derbyshire was a Conservative loss and recently at Brighton the same party's candidate won by so narrow a margin as to make the result almost equal to a defeat. At first sight this looks like one party falling out of favour, but as the Labour and Liberal supporters were asked by their organisations to support the "coupon" candidate, and obviously refused to do so, it is evident that party discipline is slackening, and party allegiance, at least for the time being, is losing its strength. Coalitions are liable to have such consequences, and when they end, the old order is not necessarily restored. The most marked example of this was the eclipse of the historic Liberal Party after the coalition period in the last war. With an example of the kind to remember, the elector's increasing assertion of independence is probably the cause of heartsearching at the headquarters of all the parties. The return of an independent candidate is naturally disturbing to leaders and organisers who are accustomed to counting heads and assessing chances. It brings so many unknown factors which make estimates that are always approximate something like plain guess-work. Especially in the present party situation, the only safe conclusion to draw from by-elections which go the wrong way is that the voters want a change. What kind of change would satisfy them is less easy to decide, and even the question why they want any at all is not necessarily easy to answer. So far as the present outlook is concerned, it has probably been best diagnosed by the critic who has said that various signs have proved the Government to be out of touch with popular opinion. When the gap between the Government and the people is wide the Parliamentary system works to the least advantage. Yet, in wartime, circumstances which cannot be overcome tend to make and keep it wide. War policy is settled in secret because it must be, and the people most often hear of it only when it has been translated into action. So the people lose the sense of governing themselves, and doubts and questions inevitably arise. They cannot see in prospect the peacetime opportunity of asserting themselves at a general election. While accepting the loss of that right as unavoidable, they are all the more prepared to insist on their established privilege of deciding for themselves when the accidental circumstance for by-election brings them the chance.

The proof that independence is surviving the loss of many rights necessarily suspended by war emergency is a healthy and reassuring sign. The claim that this wai is being fought in defence of democracy is true to the extent that victory for the Axis would mean the end of democratic government wherever it exists. There would be little value in taking up arms to preserve a system from outside attach if it were to perish by decay from within. The air,' moreover, is full of plans for. and prophecies of, the brave new world to be built when peace comes. The importance of leadership in the difficult days of reconstruction has been duly emphasised, and cannot easily be exaggerated. But the intelligent cooperation of those who are to be led is no less important. There must not be a gap then, but a close liaison, between Government and people. The alternative, that of imposing on the country cut and dried plans, is the way of dictatorship, no f of democracy. Such a thing cannot happen if the electorate remains alert and independent. The essential stability of the British voter, and his long experience of representative government, can be trusted to save him from going to dangerous extremes. With such an assurance in the background, there need be no anxiety for the future, even if by-elections do not go the way party managers have decided in advance that they should.

THE FUNNY SIDE It is often complained of Government departments that they are utterly devoid of humour. If the complaint is to be soundly based, it should be amended to "intentional humour." Who has not encountered actions and decisions of the clerk, the committee, nay, even of the head of a department, which come forth ponderously to arouse first the ire and then the humour of the recipient. How good it is for the wellbeing of the body politic that ability to see the funny side is one of our national characteristics. All may laugh, even if all may not grow fat. So, when an interested community notes that men held back from the fighting in the war because of their special skills by one Government body are to be collected as unskilled labourers for the vineyards by another equally potent department, a smile and a laugh will be the correct response. True, these men who have been excused service in the armed forces by appeal boards may lodge further appeals with a manpower (industrial) committee, or have them lodged for them, against being sent to freezing works or vegetable gardens. Only ridiculous people like employers and wgjlcs managers and foremen,

pressed on every side to get their urgent war jobs done in the face of a shortage of men, may fail to see the humour of two distinct tribunals deciding appeals against what, to the employer, the manager, the foreman, is virtually one call for service. There may be serious business in this, but at the moment it is its humorous side which obtrudes. PESSIMISTS CONFOUNDED Events in the Anzio beachhead have shown that many of the fears of a week or more ago were groundless. Making full use of all the divisions he could muster, Kesselring attempted to drive a wedge into the Allied line at Carrocetto. This attack was absorbed, then halted and, at the right times, counter-attacks were delivered to compel the enemy to give up tactical features he had gained. A lull has followed. It now remains to be seen whether the thwarted Germans will reinforce failure with another assault in the same area, or whether they will adopt a new plan. As there has been no evidence that the Allies in the beachhead are short of men and ammunition, it can be inferred that they held their own with a margin to spare. If this was the case, they have little cause to be worried, whatever plan Kesselring chooses. While the men who are doing the fighting wait confidently, it ill becomes pessimists on (he sidelines to forecast startling results, or to plan imaginary battles and then wallow in fears if the real battles do not correspond with their ideas. Of battles in general, it is salutary to remember that they are usually fought, not as they ought to be fought, but as they can be fought; and again that, while everything is very simple in war, the simplest thing is difficult. Of the campaign in Italy as a whole, comparisons should be made with Tunisia, not with the desert fighting of the Eighth Army or that of the wide, open steppes of Russia.