THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1938 THE CZECHOSLOVAK CRISIS

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXV, Issue 23133, 3 September 1938, Page 12

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1938 THE CZECHOSLOVAK CRISIS

At the end of this week a decisive stage in the Prague negotiations is reached. Three days ago the Times could say "In the British view a real examination of the possible methods of escape from the impasse that bodes no good for Czechs or for Germans has hardly begun as yet." That was true, in spite of ■ varied and sustained attempts to close the gap between the opposed positions of the Czechoslovak Government and the Sudeten German Party. The concern of one for the preservation of the integrity and independence of Czechoslovakia was still confronted by the other's insistence upon an autonomy so extensive that its effect would be nationally disruptive. To build a bridge across the gap was the task undertaken by Lord Runciman. He has been hampered by extraneous pressure exerted from Berlin as well as by the initial difficulties arising from the divergent aims of the two sides engaged in the internal controversy. The British Government, under the wise leadership of Mr. Chamberlain, has striven to moderate the prejudicial German influence; it has also done its utmost, necessarily within the limits imposed by a recognition of Czechoslovakia's sovereign rights, to persuade the Czechoslovak Government to be as conciliatory as the need for national security permitted. On July 25 Lord Halifax, Britain's Foreign Minister, made a public appeal that Lord Runciman should be allowed to carry out his mission in an atmosphere of calm and confidence. "I trust," he said, "that all concerned, both within and without Czechoslovakia, will do all they can to create this atmosphere; since we are pressing Czechoslovakia to be generous and conciliatory, we can confidently rely on Germany to give similar advice with a view to avoiding a deadlock, the consequences of which might be incalculable." His appeal has only been partly success-

ful. Now, however, the centre of critical interest swings back from Berlin to Prague. To understand what is now in process there it is essential to recall the Sudeten German demands as outlined by Herr Henlein in a speech at Carlsbad on April 23. These were (1) full equality of status for Czechs and Germans, (2) a guarantee of equality of status by recognition of the Sudeten Germans as a legal body incorporate, (3) delimitation and legal recognition of the German-speaking areas within the State and full representative government for such areas, (4) the removal of injustices inflicted since 1918 and reparation for them, (5) the recognition of the principle that German officials should administer German regions and that Sudeten Germans should have full liberty to profess German nationality and German political philosophy. Herr Henlein was not then disposed to make concessions. One passage of his speech was exceedingly significant. "We solemnly and openly declare that our policy is inspired by the principles of National Socialism," he said, the last two words of that avowal meaning acceptance of the Nazi programme, for the name "Nazi" is a contraction into two syllables of the full title of the National Socialist German Labour Party—Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei—now the German Government. He went on —"If Czech • statesmen desire to reach a permanent understanding with us and with the Reich, they will have to comply with our demand for a complete revision of foreign policy, which, up to the present, has led the Czechoslovak State into the ranks of the enemies of the German people." The last phrase threw down a gauntlet, made in Germany, to the Czechoslovak Government.

Reasons for the Government's refusal to yield to these extreme demands are obvious. The Sudeten Germans are not easily separable for even partial autonomy; while 2,500,000 of them are in relatively homogeneous groups, among them are nearly 400,000 Czechs, and the remainder of the German minority, another 730,000, is scattered through the rest of the country. To grant them autonomy would, moreover, lead to similar demands from the Slovak, Polish and Hungarian minorities; such demands have actually complicated the problem. Grappling with the position, the Czechoslovak Government proposed to deal with minorities under a new statute, by which the equality of all nationalities would be re-affirmed, regardless of race and religion, and their legal protection, educational freedom, and proportional access to appointments in Government service and enterprises, would be assured. However, although it was framed to facilitate extensive concessions to the Sudeten Germans, the statute offered them no provision of autonomy. Derided by the Berlin press, it failed to appease the Sudeten Germans, and the crisis became again acute, to the serious menacing j of the peace of Europe and the j world. Apparently as an outcome of j Lord Runciman's private mission, a J new plan is now forecast. Its details comprise (1) national" groups to receive specified proportions of a share in administration, Germans getting 30 per cent, (2) nationals to be employed wherever possible in Government posts in their own districts, except in defence, (3) Czech police in non-Czech districts to be reduced gradually, (4) the language law to be modified, (5) part of a loan for public works to be applied to Sudeten German areas, and (6) cultural autonomy to be permissible in each district. The introduction of a canton system is projected as a second stage of the plan. It remains to be seen whether, on such a basis, agreement can be reached.;