THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31, 1938 BRINGING IT HOME

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXV, Issue 23130, 31 August 1938, Page 12

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 31, 1938 BRINGING IT HOME

An unusual feature in the National Broadcasting Service last evening was the interruption of the dinner music programme in order to relay a topical discussion on world affairs from the Empire Station at Daventry. Actually the discussion was confined to Czechoslovakia and the issues raised/ by the position of the Sudeten Germans in that post-war State. Answers were given from the British point of view to the question the man-in-the-street, in Auckland as well as London, is asking: "What has Czechoslovakia to do with us?" The present tension in Europe and Britain's position in relation to the Continent make such a discussion extremely timely and useful, especially when the subject is treated with the masterly simplicity employed by Mr. F. A. Voiglit in last evening's broadcast. Questions of peace and war call for an informed public opinion in'a democracy and even more so in a democratic association such as the British Commonwealth of Nations. It is tempting to suggest that last evening's Empire broadcast may have been an attempt to inform Empire opinion, to educate the man-in-the-street on the issues, and so prepare the way for a considered expression if any positive reaction should be called for by the march of events in Europe. New Zealand is far removed from the storm centre but her people, and all the Empire peoples, can be kept in intimate and immediate touch by impartial expositions from Daventry, thus preventing geographical isolation from becoming political isolation and assisting in the formation of a true and common Empire policy in world affairs. It was never more necessary that the British peoples should present an unbroken front to a world in arms.

As an experienced foreign correspondent as well as a 8.8.C. lecturer, Mr. Voight is exceptionally well equipped as a guide on world affairs. His important book, "Unto Caesar," showed profound insight as we 1 !; as breadth of vision in i<he world scene, his fine idealised being salted with realism. In his matter-of-fact Manchester way, he discussed last evening the questions raised in Czechoslovakia. He admitted first that the Sudeten Germans did possess real grievances—they had suffered discrimination, been kept out of Government jobs, had a difficult time—but these had been much exaggerated. They had not been oppressed as, for instance, the Jews had been in Central and Eastern Europe. They had full representation in Parliament and there were no insuperable obstacles that could not be overcome, given a spirit of accommodation on both sides. The chief difficulty was the policy and political philosophy of the new Germany and there was no doubt the Sudetens relied on and were under pressure from Berlin. Mr. Voight regretted that opportunities for redress were neglected when Germany was weak and told how now the German men-in-the-street were being persuaded that their "brother Germans" were suffering in Czechoslovakia and that any war would be one of defence against aggression. Even dictators were dependent on public opinion and so German public opinion was being prepared. In this dangerous situation Sir John Simon, in his carefully prepared speech, had said the right thing at the right moment and in the right way. Not directly and not provocatively, but unmistakably, he had warned Germany that, once a war started in Central Europe, there was no knowing where it would stop. Answering the question, "Why should we be dragged in?" Mr. Voight explained that the mountain and forest belt of Czechoslovakia offered the one barrier to a Nazi drive down the Danube Valley to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. With that barrier in German hands, the Third Reich would be able to threaten communications—"the Empire's life line"— through the Middle Sea. At the same time the European balance of power would be upset in favour of Germany, a development Britain could not ignore. So, apart from the matter of Empire communications, the Dominions had to consider the question, "Is Britain essential to the Commonwealth?" when considering their own question, "Why should we be dragged in?" Mr. Voight went on to discuss the unofficial mission of Lord Runciman to Prague as offering the machinery of conciliation. He agreed the Czechs had got to make some concessions and it was a question "how far they must go and how far Germany may go." The German army manoeuvres could be interpreted either as a tremendous demonstration of force to influence the negotiations or as mobilisation of the means to strike. The trouble was that, now as heretofore, Germany would not say what she really wanted. After discussing the political issues and the high national morale of the principal protagonists, after commenting that a reasonable settlement might not be possible in a Europe where reason does not count for much to-day, Mr. Voight came to his conclusion, based on recent and personal observation, that the Czechs will fight for their independence if they must. They did not want to be another Belgium but would never be another Austria. New Zealand listeners were left to consider Mr. Voight's exposition. They could not conclude otherwise than that Britain must be prepared for eventualities and that Britain is essential to the Commonwealth and especially so to New Zealand. So the Dominion is closely concerned in this Central European affair, raising in very immediate form the further question of the preparedness or otherwise of the Government and the defence forces to meet any call that may be made upon them.