AUSTRIAN INDEPENDENCE

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXIV, Issue 22853, 7 October 1937, Page 10

AUSTRIAN INDEPENDENCE

The Austrian Legitimist leader has declared publicly "and with full responsibility" that in his recent talks with lierr Hitler, Signor Mussolini emphasised that Austrian independence was an essential factor in Italian policy. The importance of Austria in constituting a buffer State for Italy beyond the Brenner Pass, narrow though the strip of the dismembered Hapsburg Empire is at this point, has been its best defence against the German expansion policy. The great majority of the people of what is now Austria speak the German tongue and, with the incoming of the Nazi regime, Austrian independence seemed to rest on very unstable foundations. The absorption of the country by Germany appeared to be its inevitable fate providing Italy's objections could be overcome. When Italy launched herself into the Abyssinian campaign and faced the attendant risks in the Mediterranean, there was some reason to fear that the moment had come when Germany might attempt to put her policy into motion. Instead, largely through the diplomacy of Signor Mussolini, an agreement was made between Germany and Austria under which Germany acknowledged Austria's full sovereignty though the document contained the contradictory undertaking by Austria that she would maintain her policy in general and particular toward Germany always on the fundamental idea that she recognised herself as a German State. The bond of blood and language was thus emphasised. That this agreement has been regarded in Austria as of' doubtful value is indicated by the importance attached to the knowledge that Italy remains the guarantor of the independence of the country. But the question of moment is what may be Germany's price for submitting to Italy's protectorship of Austria. WAR AND PEACE If the President of the United States does not catch the world's attention by his Chicago speech on the issues of war and peace, it will not be for want of striking phrases. What Mr. Roose\elt has said about the world and its attitude toward war is what a great many people believe to be true ; that the overwhelming majority in the world want to increase its wealth, rather than struggle to pile up armaments designed for destruction ; that the peace, freedom and security of 90 per cent of the world's population are being threatened by an irresponsible 10 per cent, and that this great majority should find a way to make its will prevail. These propositions would be a fine preamble to a plan of action to deal with the situations that are a peril to peace. Mr. Roosevelt does not go beyond the preamble. He does admit that conditions to-day make it impossible for any nation to isolate itself completely from the economic and political upheavals in the rest of the world. He says that America, hating war and hoping for peace, actively engages in the search for peace. There is no hope in these words of any more positive or practical cooperation to scotch the menace of war than the United States has given before. As a statement, or restatement of moral issues, the speech is admirable; it is a good thing to have them put in Mr. Roosevelt's striking way, as a counter to the cynical concentration on material things which is so prevalent to-day. But the will for peace is not enough. The nations which have it must be prepared to combine for peace, to dare something, to sacrifice something for peace. If, therefore, the President of the United States is to help to reach the desired end—and few are more powerful to do so —the vague promises he gives must be transformed into something much more positive.