THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, MARCH 24, 1937 THE POWERS AND SPAIN

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXIV, Issue 22685, 24 March 1937, Page 12

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, MARCH 24, 1937 THE POWERS AND SPAIN

Some hope is again held out of final agreement among the interested nations for the supervision of the Spanish frontiers by land and sea. Such a scheme is an urgent necessity if the international fires kindled in Spain are to be damped down. Italian prestige has been especially engaged since the beginning of the year, and the recent ignominious defeat inflicted on her troops at Madrid may prick Signor Mussolini to increased efforts, if frontier control be not quickly established. Such action would almost certainly provoke counter-measures on the part of.Russia. International supervision is not a new proposal. Soon after the civil war broke, out on July 17, it became apparent that Spain was to become the battleground of contending political philosophies, Communism and Fascism, and of the representative nations in Europe. Diplomacy at once set to work to try to prevent open intervention by the chief interested Powers, Russia and France on the one hand, and Italy and Germany on the other. The League of Nations should have been the ideal organisation for handling such a complicated situation, had it not been for Fascist antipathy to Geneva. Hence it was September 9, almost two months after the outbreak, before the International Committee for the Application of the Agreement regarding Non-inter-vention in Spain first met in London. Actually the committee began under poor auspices, because it was misnamed, there being no "agreement" not to intervene. It has been trying to devise one for over six months and been regularly defeated by the objections—better described as stonewalling—of Russia, Germany, Italy or Portugal. So far nothing effective has been accomplished by the committee, unless its claim to have averted a general war be accepted. The discussions in the Locarno room of the Foreign Office in London might fairly be described as international verbal warfare, but perhaps they have provided a useful safety valve for over-charged national feelings. Meanwhile the scheme for frontier supervision, which had been germinating for some time, finally reached the stage of proposals on November •23, that is, just four months ago. The Soviet's objections raised the initial obstacle, while Germany and Italy soon joined in the tactics of delay. Each party sought to turn time into its ally, to postpone decision until it felt the balance of advantage was on its side. So three months, was wasted in wrangling, manoeuvring and jockeying for position. Then last month all parties agreed on a plan to supervise the admission of foi'eign supplies or personnel into Spain. The Spanish coast was divided into zones to be patrolled by the navies of the five Great European Powers. Britain alone was entrusted with the business of posting observers on the frontier between Spain and Portugal. Then the question of finance was raised, the one that is still holding up final settlement and the operation of the scheme. The annual cost of the control scheme was estimated at £900,000, not a large premium to pay as a general insurance against European war. The nations got so far as to agree on their several shares in this international bill. Then appeared the little rift. Germany, setting up her eternal cry of poverty, proposed to pay her share in her own currency—probably in blocked marks, which are not negotiable. Britain jibbed on this, because she has had rpore than enough trouble these last six years in collecting ordinary commercial debts from the Third Reich. Apparently the mode of payment is the point at present preventing agreement. Britain insists that Germany pay in negotiable currency, in " real money." Should that obstacle be overcome, there is another financial snag to pass. It concerns the subject of financial aid to either of the Spanish parties, a subject that Russia refuses to discuss except on her own conditions. Needless to say, these are declined by Germany and Italy, but this second barrier to progress remains in the background at present. To judge by previous performances, it will be brought forward when it suits the convenience of one of the Powers.

These issues have been fought as indecisively and interminably on the diplomatic front in London as the civil war in Spain. There, however, it seems possible to observe some shift in positions. Russia, Germany and France seem to have grown lukewarm about their respective parts. At the new year Germany let it be known more or less openly that in future Italy would play the principal role for the Fascist cause. Nothing loth, and undeterred by her " gentlemen's agreement" with Britain in the Mediterranean, Italy took the lead for the insurgents and quickly won a resounding victory at Malaga. 11 Duce proceeded to exhort his representatives in Spain in the best Caesarian manner. Unfortunately for him the Italians were to meet with first a minor and then a major reverse at Madrid. The latter was reported as a rout. Taunts about "Fascist tin-soldiers" began to be heard and to be echoed round a world never really convinced as to the worth of Italian military form in Abyssinia. Italian pride is pricked in a sore spot; Signor Mussolini has to think of his prestige at home, across the Adriatic, down the Danube and in Africa. He has accepted the leading role in Spain. He must hold it or face grave consequences. That is a position in which the lack of frontier control may be sadly missed. It is to be hoped, therefore, that the committee in London will not fail in speedily bringing its scheme into effective operation.