THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1936 ALIGNMENTS IN EUROPE

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXIII, Issue 22470, 14 July 1936, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1936 ALIGNMENTS IN EUROPE

The agreement between Germany and Austria concerns others than the parties to it. Its official text acknowledges this by beginning "In the conviction that they are contributing to the development of European peace . . . the Governments of Austria and Germany have decided to render their relations again normal and friendly." Whether the cause so prominently approved will be served to any appreciable extent cannot be lightheartedly believed. Even assuming that they both mean well, it will take much more than their friendship to achieve European peace, and the value of their united contribution will depend on actions and reactions proceeding from their pact. One thing is already evident, and it is not the sort of thing to dispel at a touch the fears that just now vex the world: this is the manifest hand of Italy in the negotiations. "Italy claims an active part in the Austro-German agreement," says the authoritative voice of a Borne newspaper, Popolo d'ltalia, "and that the common policy to follow the agreement will end a dangerous state of affairs which has far too often caused misunderstandings between Italy and Germany." The agreement is thus declared to have really three parties and to be productive of "a great improvement in Italian relations with Germany." The Austrian Chancellor, it will be noted, telegraphed information of the agreement to only one national head elsewhere —Signor Mussolini — and his reply declared that it marked a great step forward on the road to reconstruction of Europe. This interchange of assurances and their references to the Bome protocols as the basis of the agreement assist to declare that, in the reconstruction mentioned, Germany, Austria and Italy will be closely allied. Europe is drifting further and further away from the collective system initiated by the formation of the League. This was meant to be worldwide. The good intention was first obstructed by the refusal of the United States to join. It has been as damagingly hindered by the defection of Japan. A group of American countries have since withdrawn, The League has thus become almost exclusively a union of European nations ; its. non-European members with the exception of British countries or those in close accord with Britain—are few and uninfluential. But even within the European sphere the collective system is breaking down. This does not necessarily mean that the adventure in universal co-operation represented by the League must be abandoned as hopeless; rather it may be regarded as a call to the League for wise leadership back to the idea originally expressed in its formation: yet there ought to be no illusion about the marked tendency to displace a general union with local alliances. Up to a point, the League itself has favoured these, as in the zones held to be entitled to nonpermanent seats on the Council—the American and the East Asian. In the Locarno agreements also was a willing recognition by the League that regional pacts, registered with the League, could be of service. However, when M. Briand went beyond these partial and contributory agreements to propose an allembracing European group his "United States of Europe"—this was reasonably opposed as tending to create a League within the League, whereas the aim then to be preferred was to extend the League invitingly beyond Europe. It would be more heroic than practical to make much of that aim now. Even the universal Briand-Kellogg Pact, once welcomed as worthy of an integral place in the Covenant, has been lately ignored without apology. Back to Europe, then, the movement'toward practical grouping has definitely turned, with a decrease of care to make the groups serve a universal purpose. The Four-Power Pact Britain, France, Germany, Italy promised agreement about relative strengths of air forces, on a basis of common friendship. It was fruitless. The three Powers of the Little Entente—Czechoslovakia, Rumania and Yugoslavia—drew closer together, asking for recognition as another Great Power in Europe, and lately they have concluded an agreement for pooling their defensive resources. That argues a loss of enthusiasm for the wider programme. There was hope a while ago that "the Stresa Front"—Britain, France and Italy—would lead toward a unified Europe; but the FrancoRussian pact and this evident combination of Germany, Austria and Italy have aroused new doubts of real achievement. If these various fresh alignments in Europe were intended primarily to promote wider collaboration, they could be hailed everywhere with hope. It is their uncanny likeness to the old alliances of the "balance of power" period that makes them the subject of divided opinion.