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NOTES AND COMMENTS

"FEAR—AND BE SLAIN"

Some people tell us of the danger of continuing to oppose Mussolini in the cause of Abyssinia, writes a correspondent of the Times. Danger there is, no doubt. But do they consider the danger —a greater danger—of yielding to Mussolini, the danger of taking a stop backwards? "Fear—and be slain!" is a wise caution. If Mussolini is allowed to imagine that wo are afraid of his armed strength, one step back for Great Britain to-day will mean that another will be expected of her to-morrow. We have interests (which are coveted) in the Mediterranean. Wo cannot ask for the friendship of Mussolini's Italy: our people do not "feel like it"; a modus Vivendi is all that is possible or desirable at present. Much peace-talk is a danger to peace; it encourages aggression. Let us get sufficient powder; let us "keep our powder dry"; let us hold our heads up. That way lies the hopo of a not disgraceful peace. PEOPLE WITHOUT A COUNTRY Addressing a conference on tho problem of refugees held at the London School of Economics, Lord Cecil said for tho purpose of the conference refugees were those people who had been compelled to leave their country of origin for political or religious reasons, and lately for racial reasons, of whom there were nearly 1,000,000. This had become international and humanitarian problem—international because that considerable stream of refugees caused a great number of economic and legal questions. Russian refugees, for instance, thousands of whom had been peacefully employed for years, were not now considered desirable in France, mainly, he thought, for economic reasons. Where could a refugee go in the circumstances? What were the remedies? One was for refugees to be absorbed into the country to which they had come. Even in new countries, whero there should be more room, there were economic and probably sentimental reasons for refusing to absorb them. The only other remedy he could see was a system of settlement by colonisation, such as in Palestine HUMANISING SCIENCE Sir Richard Gregory, the 72-year-old astronomer, who was a fellow-student of Mr. H. G. Wells at the old National College of Science, propounded a view of things to come in an address before the Royal Institution. Sir Richard urged that it had become the duty of men of science to adjust themselves to the conditions of a changing world and to take an active part in promoting worthy uses of scientific discoveries and preventing the application of new forces to purposes of destruction. "Though the pursuit of natural knowledge must go forward whatever the consequences," he said, "the man of science cannot disregard the social effects of his discoveries: If he creates a Frankenstein's monster, which becomes the terror of the human race, he may himself end in being shunned by civij Used society or his passion for truth be I put under control because of the dani gcrs to which it might lead. Scientific ! workers have now to pause and consider j whether they should be content to let i others be responsible for tho use or j misuse of their contributions to know- ; ledge. When the object of research is I the command of natural forces, without regard to their relation to human life, it; can become a social danger and an excuse for scientific barbarity." NEW OUTLOOK FOR EMPIRE A policy for the British Empire in the present world crisis was outlined by Sir Abe Bailey in a recent pronouncement. He said that Signor Mussolini's foreign policy was "aimed at making the Mediterranean, the great artery of the world, an Italian lake." This had two reactions on Britain and South Africa. "First," he declared, "it cuts across the communications of Britain and Europe to the East. Secondly, it establishes in East Africa, bordering on Kenya and the Sudan, an active militant European Power enrolling and training on modern military lines vigorous, warlike and mechanically-minded native races." Describing this as a new development specially affecting alike Britain's outlook and South Africa's, Sir Abe asked whether the League of Nations was going to help. "If we feel," he added, "that, in view of recent events, the League of Nations is no longer capable of ensuring us against war, wo must choose our friends without being too much influenced by past history and by the alliances of the Great War. The real question for the British Empire is, where does security lie? Britain must try to take France with her in collective security, including Germany. If France falls out Britain must try to work with Germany and America. The Dutch and English must co-operate, as they have interests in common to preserve peace and retain their liberty." DEMOCRACY DEFENDED Mr. Lloyd George asked tho Council of Action in a recent speech to believe that all the qualities of great leadership are being displayed by dictatorships and that "all the hesitancy, vacillation and poltroonery are manifested by democracies." In war-time it was otherwise, he claimed. Then democracy was "purposeful, resolute, valiant and self-sacrificing." Nothing is more dangerous as a basis of general policy than a sweeping generalisation of that kind, remarks the Daily Telegraph. Even as applied to the circumstances of the present day it does not ring true. Tho democracies, having waged successful war, have resolved on a policy of peace and have pursued that policy with a devotion and persistence scarcely less remarkable than their resolution when engaged in war. The results of such an aim can never be spectacular. They do not give material for a Roman triumph The pursuit of peace must bo subject to temporary setbacks in a world not all of one mind and in which dictatorships abound. With whom the ultimate victory will rest can only be decided after the passage of time, but it is a denial of the whole course of even recent history to say that democracy has failed either in Avar or peace. Dictatorships, and especially tho dictatorships that have been built on the ruins of great popular movements, have had their temporary successes, but if there is one truth written across the pages of history it is that the lasting power has been with the democratic forms of government. To hold the contrary would be to blind ourselves to our own story.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19360707.2.37

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXIII, Issue 22464, 7 July 1936, Page 8

Word Count
1,053

NOTES AND COMMENTS New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXIII, Issue 22464, 7 July 1936, Page 8

NOTES AND COMMENTS New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXIII, Issue 22464, 7 July 1936, Page 8