THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1936 BRITAIN AND SANCTIONS

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXXIII, Issue 22353, 26 February 1936, Page 12

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 1936 BRITAIN AND SANCTIONS

At first glance, Mr. Eden's speech—"his first considerable speech" since he became Foreign Minister—seems to offer little light on the pressing international problem of the League and Italy. The House of Comihons wanted to hear what the Government was going to do about oil sanctions. So does the country; and so, indeed, does the Empire, down to its most remote, least developed colonial outpost, and also Italy, and a waiting world. And no direct ray of information did Mr. Eden vouchsafe. For the disappointment no one can reasonably blame him; the fault is with those expecting a definite utterance before next week, when at j Geneva the question will be decisively faced. Until then it is sub judice, pending a united discussion of the experts' report, as by a bench of judges. If-abstract principles only were involved, the British Government could have spoken finally weeks ago, but the issue is mainly practical, and a concerted finding is essential. Mr. Eden had to seem insensitive to demands for disclosure, in order to serve the very cause that he has at heart as much as have his critics. The Labour Opposition, wholly with the Government in a wish to see the League succeed, has naturally felt no hesitation in declaring precisely what the Foreign Minister should do —go to Geneva, propose the immediate imposition of the oil embargo, and leave any dissenting nation to go its own miserable way—but the Opposition has no responsibility comparable with the Government's. What if a majority, even a considerable number, of the League members represented in the co-ordinating Committee of Eighteen, or looking to it for a lead, regard its finding as unacceptable 1 in that event, any prior nailing of the British Government's colours to the mast would be worse than unavailing; it would be proved ridiculous. So long as collective action is requisite there must be collective decision, reached by collective agreement. No doubt Mr. Eden ''in his vehement moods," a swashbuckling knight-errant, is preferable in the eyes of many righteous enthusiasts desiring the sudden ruin of Italy's fell purpose in Abyssinia. Their eagerness evokes sympathy and admiration. Others will not allow feeling to run away with discretion. This battle between the League and Italy—a battle of unusual character because the only satisfactory end is one of ultimate friendship—is not to be won by a single swift engagement, forced at all hazards. The League cannot afford an ignominious defeat, and unless it goes about its task with wise skill such a defeat is probable. Major Attlee says the real cause of the delay in imposing the oil embargo is the reluctance of two leading States, because they are playing with alliances. The measure of truth in this should not blind anyone to the larger truth that the situation in Europe is complicated by other issues than the Italo-Abys-sinian dispute. It would be highly convenient if this dispute could be treated as the only thing that matters. Unfortunately it cannot; Major Attlee's comment, remarkable for its simplicity, reveals nothing and assists nobody. The interplay of national policies must needs go on, whatever the urgency of settling this dispute. Mr. Amery more sagely notes the danger that pursuit of understanding among particular nations may lead to the destruction of collective action at Geneva. But in contrast to these critics Mr. Eden, who of all people is the last to be •justly charged with indifference to particular national friendships, has developed his thesis of League action. There is much more solidity in his speech than meets the casual eye. "Peace on a just basis" is a considered phrase of lethal effect on Italy's hopes of a British share in League complaisance. "Britain is firmly attached to collective security, conditional on a system powerful enough to deter any would-be aggressor, whether from within or without." This speaks a determination both to take no isolated action and to serve the general cause with national courage. He has gone further: "Britain is strong enough in policy and arms to play her full part in collective security," and he urges the playing of this full part in order to avert the calamity of a world war. Those reading in his words a disposition to take a cue from any craven member of the League must find this declaration embarrassing. "Whatever course events may take, Britain must be strong." This, described as the keynote of his speech, leaves no room to doubt either his own or his Government's resolve. Italian reaction "to the speech gives the clearest assurance that he has unyieldingly asserted Britain's fixity of purpose. Those wanting to know where the Government stands on sanctions have their answer, although they were wrong in expecting to be told exactly what Mr. Eden would do when he took his place at the next meeting of the Committee of Eighteen.