THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1933 MUSSOLINI'S NEW ROLE

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXX, Issue 21577, 23 August 1933, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1933 MUSSOLINI'S NEW ROLE

It is suggested that Signor Mussolini's assumption of the role of arbitrator in Central Europe may be the greatest success of his career. The suggestion is an astute summary of political events in that, region during recent months. More and more impressively, the figure of the Italian Prime Minister has loomed through the murk, and in the latest phase, that of Austria's brave bid for independence against the wiles of Hitler, it dominates the outlook. But there is more than the independ-' ence of Austria, more even than the good of Central Europe, in the care of Mussolini. As the political fate of Central Europe pivots on that of Austria, so the fortunes of all Europe are largely at stake in the difficulties and strivings of the region in which Austrian affairs are now prominent. The Little Entente — Czecho - Slovakia, Rumania and Yugoslavia—Bulgaria, Hungary and Poland, have all become a subject of concern to other Powers, partly because of the ascendancy of Hitlerite ambitions in Germany, partly because of the prevalent economic troubles of the Danubian States. In the combined foreign loan to Austria is a straw on the stream of that general anxiety, just as the hostility and suspicion meeting schemes of a near yesterday, such as Briand's United States of Europe and' the attempt to establish an AustroGerman commercial union, were in their way indicative of it. And into this anxiety, which Britain has palpably shared, the influence of Italy has come with a steadying impact as welcome as it has been surprising. Mussolini it was that proposed the Four-Power Pact. To him Mr. Mac Donald went to learn and to approve the details of the project, and from that interview hastened to win the adherence of France; and Hitler's acceptance of it was ensured by Mussolini's dictation. Now Austria's Chancellor, in his determined resistance of Nazi aggression, has turned to Mussolini for advice and support—to be given a plan for all Central Europe, with imperious assertions of what must be done and of what must not be done, and London and Paris are paying close attention, while Berlin has been told some unpalatable heart-truths by means of "friendly representations." Italy's autocrat has become an arbiter indeed. This amazing man, at fifty, wields a wider power than was deemed possible a few years ago. Italy, in the realm of politics, has produced in him one destined, by sheer force of will allied to a genius for organisation, to live in memory with those — Cavour, Mazzini, Garibaldi —lifting their country from "a mere geographical expression" to a unified and orderly commonwealth. At first, his career was as mercurial and turbulent as any of theirs. Blacksmith's son, school teacher, candidate in municipal elections, fugitive from prosecution for smashing the voting urn that declared him defeated, a navvy at Lausanne by day and a student in its university by night, a Socialist revolutionary in Austria until his arrest and expulsion, he seemed born for revolt. Then the Great War set him think-ing-differently. "All are cowards who hold back at this juncture" he told the Socialist comrades excommunicating him for his patriotism, and he went to the trenches. Surviving severe w,ounds,he joined the Fascista Band in Italy and was a leader in a self-chosen mission to clean up the criminal communes of his beloved country, ill administered by its Government and in peril of political ruin. The "castor oil" penalty for offenders was his grim way of teaching them decency. Then came the march on Rome—"Either the government will be given to us or we will seize it." It was yielded. In two days he was master. With shrewd insight, Italy's King took the only practicable course, asking Mussolini to form a Ministry. To his men he said "We have found our Fatherland again," and from all officials he demanded immediate and absolute following of his example in devotion to the supreme interests of the country. So came his "Fascismo," the countering of Bolshevik sedition and the establishing of rigid law. How the people, sickened by the demoralising atmosphere of alien intrigue, rallied to him, and what he has since done for Italy, are well remembered.

Europe hailed the "bloodless revolution" as a relief after tho chaos visibly afflicting the country, and then watched the development of his constructive programme. Doubts often arose about his methods, which seemed to invite reactionary riot, and fears for the sacred principles of democracy have never ceased to be uttered. But if ever the end justified the means and excused drastic expedients this has happened in .Italy, as abundant testimony proves. Mussolini himself looked further, to making his country influential as well as safe; and by ways that have often seemed to threaten the peace of Europe he has achieved this purpose. Even where hesitation to believe Fascism to be "a beacon of light" has persisted there has been acknowledgment of the place among the nations to which he has lifted his country, and doubts about his good faith in international affairs have been unable to hinder recourse to him when great issues were at stake. Ho has doubtless his own motive for wishing to keep Austria as a buffer State between himself and Hitler, yet in his support of Chancellor Dollfuss he has accomplished what others have desired but were at a loss to attempt. Insisting on Germany's abandonment of all thought of absorbing Austria, and associating with this fiat a pronouncement favouring political stability and economic recovery in Central Europe he has contributed much to the prospect of international peace.