THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS THURSDAY, JULY 20, 1933 NATIONALIST TACTICS IN INDIA

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXX, Issue 21548, 20 July 1933, Page 10

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS THURSDAY, JULY 20, 1933 NATIONALIST TACTICS IN INDIA

News from India deepens the impression that the Nationalist leaders have decided to make a further attempt to obstruct Ihe progress of law and order—and that the prospccts of their succeeding in this attempt are less encouraging to them than at any earlier period of their agitation. It was reported recently (hat they had agreed i<> relinquish the campaign of civil disobedience, and there has actually been a considerable cessation of it. This halt, however, could not be viewed as a preparation for retreat; the only reasonable interpretation, in view of all the facts, was that it presaged a change in tactics. By the statement now made by Mr. Gandhi, who has turned with characteristic alertness from his concern about the "untouchable" victims of orthodox Hinduism to resume his political vole, this interpretation is fully confirmed. The Congress majority is not prepared to relinquish civil disobedicnco; "for the time being," there is to be a suspension of mass disobedience, but individual disobedience will be permitted after the end of the present month, and methods will be used to organise whatever obstructive activities may be afterwards decreed. This is a somewhat cryptic declaration, and it is framed thus with evident intention, yet there is no mistaking the sinister purpose. It justifies beyond cavil the reply of tho Viceroy to Mr. Gandhi's request for an interview. Instead of abandoning civil disobedience, the Congress—by a majority vote accepting Mr. Gandhi's advice—agreed to its abandonment only on conditions to be negotiated with the India Government. Thereupon Mr. Gandhi requested an interview with the Viceroy for the avowed purpose of negotiating the conditions. The Viceroy, aware of the determination of the Congress to resume its fostering of disobedience on August 1 if its conditions were not complied with, refused to grant the interview, and has made quite clear the ground of his refusal; nothing but an unconditional abandonment of illegal practices can reopen the way to useful negotiations. In other words, the Congress must place itself "on side" before play can be resumed. For the Viceroy's decision there 13 full warrant. In the House of Commons the Leader of tho Labour Opposition has used violent words in condemning the reply, and argued that Mr. Gandhi's "olive branch" should have been welcomed. But "olive branch" is an altogether inapt description; "demands" would have been fully appropriate. A Liberal member of the House, avowedly a personal friend • of Mr. Gandhi's, has rightly said that tho Viceroy had no other course after the way Mr. Gandhi had broken his long-standing promise not to promote civil disobedience. But for him, it is apparent that the Congress would have voted against a continuance of this illegality. It had an opportunity to get back to its early status as a constitutional party, and a I number of its members were seemingly wishful that it should do so. In recent months there has been a steady decline of obstruction to law and order. The Indian press has provided convincing proof ol this decline, and many professed adherents of Mr. Gan'dhi have voiced their growing dissatisfaction with the dangerous riots, the disruption of classes and the dislocation of trade that have ensued from his political agitation. When the Congress attempted to celebrate "Independence Day" in Bombay last January— Bombay was long the chief stronghold of the party—no public interest was manifested and the effort ended in utter failure. Announcing his recentfast on behalf of the "untouchables" denied entry to the Hindu temples, Mr. Gandhi declared a suspension of civil disobedience, and almost the only palpable effect noted was a revelation of the little there was to suspend. No doubt the disinclination of many Congress members to resort again to these particular tactics was based on their recognition of the popular distaste for them. At all events, they appreciated the opportunity to get back to legal methods of political quarrel with the Government, if not to an amicable understanding. At Mr. Gandhi's • instigation, the opportunity has been thrown away. Blame for delay in reaching that amicable understanding lies at the door of Mr. Gandhi! There are signs that his influence is waning, but he still exercises enough power to make trouble when he is so minded. At the second Round Table Conference, which he and his henchmen attended only after considerable hesitation, he was as enigmatic a personality as ever, but his weight was thrown against conciliation. This disappointment gave the India Government anxiety as to his actions when he returned home, and precautions were taken against open obstruction and lawlessnessi In particular, the Government took a firm stand against unconstitutional tactics by the Congress, and issued special ordinances giving themselves power to deal promptly and vigorously with revolutionary activity. If. was well they did so, well also that they gave clear assurances that; all reasonable methods of objection to their programme would be re- ! spected. Not a word of British promise to foster constitutional development was withdrawn, but, at the same time all promoters of sedition were seriously warned. Seeking a refuge, Mr. Gandhi then sought an interview with the Government, but on conditions that no self-respecting authority could grant. Now he repeats the move, with no greater success; and by the appearance of things the Government is much more strongly entrenched and the cause of the obstructionists is considerably weakened, in 1 their own ranks as well as among I the people*

AUSTRALIAN CONVERSION The latest Australian loan operation, involving £17,000,000 of 6 per cent stock, is under way. Tho lists lmvo been closed to cash subscriptions, in accordance with tho prospectus, bub conversion applications will be received for some time to come. No information is being given about the reception of tho loan. It is natural that details should not ho disclosed before the operation is complete, but from the present silence it can lie inferred, not uncharitably, that the success has not been so instantaneous or so pronounced as in tho case of the June issue. Tho market is not so favouraldo to gilt-edged securities as it was then. In addition, the issue is mid-way, in terms, between three others, two of which were triumphantly successful, the remaining one only moderately so. In a February operation, when the new loan was at 4 per cent at par, the term to 1970, 31 per cent was left with the underwriters. This was not impressive. Of the two successes, both wero for five years. One was issued at per cent at £O7 10s, the other at 3.\ per cent at £O9. Coming on the market with still another at 4 per cent at £99, the period 1913-48, the Commonwealth has in a sense taken tho middle course between its successes and its comparative failure. Of the two which were immediately taken up by the public, the yield of one, including redemption, was £4 Is 2d, of the other £3 14s sd. It would thus appear that the short period of the loan was the chief attraction to lenders. A flat 4 per cent for 37 years did not appeal equally. Now the offer to the investing public is a yield of £4 2s with redemption in 15 years, or optionally after 10 years. It will be interesting to sec how the venture fares.