THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1932 THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXIX, Issue 21329, 2 November 1932, Page 10

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1932 THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY

With Mr. Hoover's fighting entry into New Xork State, the contest for the American presidency begins its last week. His opponent is Governor there, and is sure of stout support. He stands better to-day in general esteem than he did a little while ago. To make a strong bid for the State's 47 electoral votes is, therefore, a bold move on Mr. Hoover's part, and the challenging tone of his speech fits the occasion. He can hope to poll well, but whether he can carry the State —according to rule, he gets all the electoral votes or none —is another question. It has Republican leanings. The State Legislature is. of that party. Even in New York City, where Tammany Hall has often been Democrat in sympathy and influence, he can count on a large measure of popular favour. Tamrnany itself no longer regards Governor lloosevelt with approval. He has antagonised it by his recent firm handling of Mayor Walker, after a period of inaction that pleased it. What it will do about the national election is still in doubt. There may be a cleavage in Tammany itself. It is possible that among the ardent reformers in the city a remembrance of the Governor's hesitation to ally himself with their cause, when he was loth to admit "that the irregularities of the government of New York City have any political implications beyond the confines of the city," may weaken whatever ardour for him they are tempted to display. It is hardly likely that his eventual firmness in coping with the municipal scandal can drown the echoes of their earlier charge that he had sacrificed hi:s soul for the sake of political advantage. At the nominating convention, although the final ballot gave him so pronounced a victory as presidential candidate for the party, lie received only 31 out of New York State's 94 votes, and apparently he is far from secure. These things, hold a possibility that the city and. the State may be inclined to listen to Mr. Hoover's appeal. There :is no denying, however, that the Democrat candidate has shown himself capable of vote-winning to a remarkable degree. Four years or so ago, when the State Convention of the Democrats chose him as the head of its party ticket for the State elections, it under-estimated this capability. It tried name after name before making its choice. Then, with tremendous vigour, he conducted a public campaign that gave him a majority far exceeding the previous success of the popular Al. Smith. That, was a revelation. Afterwards he manifested a personal strength almost as unexpected, opposing the State Legislature's preference for the private development of the St. Lawrence. This added to his prestige, and. in the next contest for the Governorship he reaped the most overwhelming party victory in the history of New York State. Since then his tardiness in grappling with the city scandal has detracted from his reputation for courage, but at least a partial recovery of that has been won, and in spite of a marked defection ol support he may be able to withstand the assault made by Mr. Hoover on the constituency that should be his personal stronghold. While party considerations count most heavily in the national election, this persoral element is far from negligible. That he is a Roosevelt is much; the family is credited with daring and initiative, and particularly with a, genius for doing the unexpected. This is to be put against a considerable body of criticism of him as indefinite and abstract, and prone to talk much in terms of restitution to the poor without venturing to do anything that would seriously hurt the rich. Radical he is not, yet sufficiently progressive to attract the common people, whose language he easily speeiks, and withal a campaigner of impressive quality. In the arena of Governor Roosevelt's home State, then, Mr. Hoover mea.sures himself against a personality quite as appealing as his own, to say the least, and opposes one whose tendencies in statecraft are so little dissimilar that comparison is far easier than contrast. There remains a divergence of party policy, of which Mr. Hoover is evidently determined to make the most. He has delivered a frontal attack on the Democrats' determination to lower tariffs, using prophecies of disaster that the industrial east will be disposed to heed. This is calculated to rally support in the region, as a setoff to loss that is likely to be suffered in the agricultural tracts. A feature of the contest, indeed, has been the endeavour of the chief rivals to win favour :for tariff policies, with a care to suit their speech to the regions visited in the course of the campaign. How the electorate as a whole will react to these modified appeals it is impossible even to guess. On the only other outstanding topic in this final round of the struggle—(ln issue of prohibition—there is less room for bewilderment. Governor Roosevelt is unequivocally "wet." He has committed himself to repeal. In his speech of acceptance of nomination lie pledged himself to this plank of t to party platform, adding "I say to you now that, from this time on, the Eighteenth Amendment is doomed." On his part, Mr. Hoover has sponsored submission of the question to decision by States, with a promise of rigorous enforcement where local option favours prohibition. The two parties thus draw apart on national questions, being increasingly indisposed to bring international affairs into prominence. Yet, with fear as to what may come after, the outer world awaits anxiously the result of the fight.