THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS TUESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1932 THE NEXT STEP FOR THE WORLD

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXIX, Issue 21316, 18 October 1932, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS TUESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1932 THE NEXT STEP FOR THE WORLD

A speech by the German Chancellor outlines what he thinks should be his country's attitude toward the World Economic Conference. What he says about that reveals a good deal that other nations are wanting to know, for Germany keeps the position of interlocutor on the European stage; the questions put in German to-day must be answered in English, French and Italian, to say nothing of voices from the wings, on some early to-morrow. Yet in the simple fact that Herr von Papen has felt the necessity of making this direct and definite mention of the coming conference is something of even more importance than the tenor of his speech. Other national spokesmen, each for his own country, are seeking words of this sort. It may even be said that informally the conference has already begun. A general opinion is abroad that the conference will have momentous decisions in its hands. In chocus, although by no means in unison, this statesman and that join to express hopes and fears about it. Their divergence of tone cannot drown a common eagerness to see it do something worth while. This eagerness is well based. Either the conference will speed the world on its way to economic recovery or thrust it into a dangerous relapse. It will be a critical conference, if not a decisive one, in its influence. Nearly everything that has been tried with a remedial purpose waits for its touch to bring adequate results. Lausanne was not a failure, yet its way with reparations cannot be fully trodden until international action on a field wider than Europe is undertaken. Ottawa has obviously set many peoples thinking; its achievement.— for it achieved much—points to further endeavour along the same road. Geneva has done little, partly because its task involves economic considerations and reactions indefinable until they have been discussed at a round table like its own. At this stage of progress it is well to measure the distance covered. It is greater, in some respects, than some seem to see. Lausanne reached a unanimous agreement, recorded in the name of all Europe, that ended the regime of reparation payments, save for Germany's acceptance of a conditional obligation to contribute to a general fund for the economic good of Europe when her circumstances permit. That was a step surpassing any reasonable hope cherished a few months before, although it had been many years in mind. Ottawa similarly outdistanced expectations, for the previous Imperial Conference, by reason of conditions then obtaining, somewhat lamely turned to this exit from its difficulties. Not until the next British elections did "On to Ottawa!" become a slogan with reality and vigour. The outcome has not pleased everybody, but its repercussion in foreign countries is to-day convincing proof that it has changed the international outlook for the better. Geneva cannot yet share with Lausanne and Ottawa the distinction they have earned, but it is something that for the first time in history practically every nation is represented at a conference called to improve international relations. Against all achievements, however, must be put the necessity to take further steps lest the good be largely negatived. The Lausanne Convention has yet to be ratified, and this depends on the attitude of the United States on remission or reduction of war debts. Failing a "satisfactory settlement"* of this question, "the agreement with Germany will not be ratified"—the Young Plan will again come into force and the tedious way of discussion will have to be retaken. So also were questions raised at Ottawa that cannot be answered until international attention is paid to them; monetary stability, freedom from restrictions in the purchase of foreign currencies, general lowering of fiscal obstructions to trade, and restoration of the wonted rhythm with which productive and distributive machinery worked, cannot come until concerted effort be made. Disarmament, too, so interlocks with economics that Geneva must look to London for the full implementing of its hope of peace. -- The fact is that economic considerations, while they constrain thought of means to reduce expenditure on armaments as a major way of lightening financial burdens, also provoke hostilities. It is possible to "prate of the blessings of peace" in a shortsighted and foolish forgetfulness of the spirit of murder that works in the very means of life. Rivalries in commerce persist, to the engendering of anti-foreign sentiment, until war for a right to trade takes on an alluring complexion of justice. Unless a way be found to overcome this evil with the good of commerce organised on a universal basis of fraternity, that risk will remain. It is not an idle dream that the whole world may be united with "kindly links of gold," although it is clear that such a happy experience has hitherto not been realised. This generation begins to seek means to that desirable end. There has been some valuable preparatory work by the League of Nations in its economic investigations and suggestions. The time is ripe for practical measures on a grand scale, to turn friction into friendship. Long days of depression, seemingly interminable, have taught their lesson, the lesson of mutual aid. As the Economic Committee of the League has phrased the discovery, "No one is still under the illusion that it is possible for a country to improve its economic situation simply by means of the unilateral measures which it considers indispensable." To get together for frank, expert, far-seeing discussion of these matters is the next step. Failure to take it well would mean slipping back into the bad old times ; success would crown the! efforts that have made a beginning of better things.;