THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1932 PORTENTS IN GERMANY

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXIX, Issue 21279, 5 September 1932, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1932 PORTENTS IN GERMANY

The stir in Europe over Germany's reasserted claim to equality in armaments is unhappily justified. Although embodied merely in an aide memoire handled by ambassadors—not in a Note as strictly understood in international practice—the claim has been given publicity and become the immediate subject of consideration by Governments. In matters such as this, forms matter less than facts. If Germany is bent on pressing the claim, it is the right and duty of ever foreign Power to weigh it and give an answer. Political events in Germany impress the necessity of calm judgment abroad at this juncture. This question has become one of intense agitation in Germany, and as German affairs are just now of pivotal importance what is done with this claim is crucial. Almost every day there is fresh evidence of turmoil in Germany. Herr Hitler, incensed by the prospect of a dissolution of the Reichstag and his consequent loss of the tactical advantage given him by the general elections, breathes out threatening and slaughter. The sinister significance of this lies in the rabid nationalism of his aims. He would have Germany revert to the policy of domination in Europe. On the other hand, the open alliance of members of the German Government —in addition to some members of the State Government of Prussia — with the Steel Helmet Party, adds to the gravity of the position. For this party is as intensely and aggressively national as the Nazis, although determined to oppose their bid for power and ready to confront force with force. It is possible to interpret this alliance as a countermove to Hitler's threats ; there have been hints of military organisation as an inevitable resort should the Nazi campaign of violence continue, and the head of the Reichswehr is known to favour stern measures by the national troops against the political enemies of the Government. But the Government is in a precarious position, in spite of the President's support, and its realisation of this has probably led to the commutation of the death-sentence on the Nazi murderers at Beuthen. It may well choose the aid of the Steel Helmets, rather than directly take up the gage of battle flung down by Hitler. -

Either way, it is apparently prepared to abandon moderate counsels for a greater assertiveness of national aims. It has set out on a programme of economic measures designed to foster industry even at the expense of foreign commerce. This in itself has a narrowly nationalist purpose. "Whether it be wise or foolish in so doing, there is no mistaking the motive, and equally clear is the dependence of its success on the national spirit of every class. This programme, in ita details, is of secondary importance to other nations compared with the encouragement it gives to the typically German desire for a larger place in the sun. As with the details so with this implication of the programme: it may be reasonable but it is certainly provocative of intense nationalism, and it is this, at the moment, that bears most closely on the international outlook in Europe. Should these things mean that the German Government, prompted either by political expediency or by a sincere eagerness to press national claims, is determined to dictate conditions on which it will continue cooperation with foreign Governments, a setback may be given to the economic rehabilitation of Europe. Fortunately, there is at hand machinery—not yet in full operation, it is true, but constructed with a view to just such an emergency — for dealing with the situation. It is probable that the German Government, in using the method of ambassadorial communication with unwonted publicity, has expectations that this machinery will be employed. Lausanne produced it, as a venture in friendly candour about international differences. If that "consultative pact" be kept, the risk of disruption in Europe may be minimised. But much depends on the temper of the German people.

When that critical element of the outlook is considered, the prominence recently given to proposals to restore monarchy in Germany cannot be ignored. To abolish the republic is declared by the leader of the Steel Helmet Party to be desirable. By the Weimar Constitution, accepted by the National Assembly after the naval mutiny at Kiel had precipitated a revolution that compelled the Kaiser to flee the country and convinced State rulers in Germany of the wisdom of renouncing their rights, the old Deutsches Reich ceased to be an empire. It kept its narile and its federal basis, but followed the republican trend growing in popularity in Europe. That -was more than thirteen years ago, and the new order has sqemed to be established. Yet the leader of the Steel Helmets is by no means alone in his advocacy of a return to monarchy. That idea has had frequent utterance. Even the Nazis, so long as Hitler ia actual dictator, would not mind having a titular monarch. Despite his loyalty to his emperor, Marshal Hindenburg would probably not lift a finger to restore the old order, for he has been just as loyal to democracy since he became President; but Hitler has cited an advantage he has over his presidential adversary—"He is eighty-five and I am forty-three." Therein is a portentous fact;. After Hindenburg, who? In the multiplicity of political parties there may be difficulty in keeping Hitler, with his virile personality, out of the supreme office when it falls vacant; already he has put up an impressive fight for it against one who has long been the people's idol. So the Government may be inclined to accept monarchy in preference to Hitler; and if a monarchy, a return to aggressive nationalism. Europe may well give serious heed,.