THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, JUNE 6, 1932. POLITICAL TENSION IN GERMANY

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXIX, Issue 21201, 6 June 1932, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, JUNE 6, 1932. POLITICAL TENSION IN GERMANY

Portents in Germany point to a political upheaval greater than any since the war. The Reichstag is dissolved and an election of doubtful outcome is in prospect. Between the moderate and extreme parties—the timid and the reckless, as they may better be described—a grim battlo is in progress, with faction fighting also liable to tell against the fortunes of the sober element in the nation. Since the re-election of Hindenburg to the presidency, when hope of political stability was strengthened, disruptive forces have been disquietingly active, and the capture of a majority in the Oldenburg State Parliament by the Nazis has lately stimulated this party and added to the tension in the Reich. Even more than elsewhere, the economic and financial difficulties of Germany provide an opportunity for "parties of negation," whose numbers are rapidly swollen by voters dissatisfied with the policy of the Government and convinced that they have nothing to lose by helping to oust it. These parties have lately held nearly half of the seats in the Reichstag. Dr. Bruening's position was precarious some time before his resignation, as a turnover of only thirteen votes would have brought about his defeat and the extremist gains in the State Parliaments were threatening to turn the tide against him ere long in the Reichstag. Had Hindenburg been willing to exert himself on the Government's behalf, its resignation might have been averted, but the possibility of his intervention in this way was lessened by the selfsame influences that were prejudicing its position. The presidential power, although enormous, is not absolute. Hindenburg has been blamed for his refusal to grant Bruening the support he sought, yet it is highly probable that his remarkable loyalty to democratic ideals compelled the refusal, as the strength of the Opposition was manifestly sapping the strength of the Government. His approval of Herr von Papen as the head of a new Cabinet, and his dissolving of the Reichstag almost immediately, indicate an acknowledgment of the inevitableness of a change. What the change will be cannot be forecast. At the moment, interest is absorbed by the divergent policies of the contending parties. The new Government's policy, as expressed by the Chancellor's manifesto, is not inspiring. Its analysis of Germany's ills is probably true to the letter, for there can be no doubt that the inimical influences he names as the root causes of trouble have been working social and political havoc. To rebuild Germany on "unchanged Christian ideal?" is doubtless essential. In recent years there has been an inrush of revolutionary propaganda, telling heavily against the efforts of successive Governments to persuade the nations to seek order, peace and unity. This propaganda has been fiercely antagonistic to accepted religious and economic doctrines. In the medley of political hostilities—monarchical and military elements adding to the confusion—three main campaigns have .emerged: the staid the several constitutional parti<y/ the Fascist revolt of Hitler's an d the ak. tack launched by Communists Against the Constitutionalists of sorts the/ Fascists and Communist hosts haj/ e been ranged together, ydt. hating each other. These two have made progress, to put the fact in general terms, in Prussia, Bavaria and other parts of federated Germany, and to-day are in the ascendant. The Nazis trebled last year the registered number of their adherents, becoming nearly a million, while in the various State elections held in that period they polled, on an average, 34 per cent, of the total votes. At the same tjme the Communists drew more and more support from the moderate SocialDemocrats. The effect has been a serious weakening of the Constitutionalists. These three elements cannot permanently mix; no two of them can, although at the second ballot in the presidential election a section of the Communists, for lack of a promising candidate of their own, voted for Hitler. Yet the outlook for the Constitutionalists is desperate. It is made so by the prevalent despair of any sure remedy for the national plight so long as the present regime continues. In season and out of season the Hitlerite insistence on the tearing up of the Versailles Treaty and the repudiation of even the modified Young Plan has inflamed resentment against the Government, whoever has been at its head. Stresernann, Bruening and von Papen have been content to say "Germany cannot pay." Hitler has roundly asserted "Germany will not pay." It is so short a step from the first to the second attitude that thousands have taken it without difficulty and arc ready to be done with all diplomatic negotiations for financial relief. Only a complete change in the international treatment of the problem at Lausanne can save the Constitutionalists, apparently ; if this be denied, nothing is so likely as a triumph for Hitler, with a subsequent Communist revolt against his virtual dictatorship. The rumours that are rife about other developments, including a return to monarchy and a restoration of military oligarchy, may have little substance, but the prospect of a Nazi victory followed by revolution is not to be so lightly dismissed. Weak in positive content as is the Government's manifesto, its description of a lowered moral tone in the nation adds to the fear that the recklessly disruptive elements may take riotous control. In a clash of generalities, the turbulent talk of the opposing forces has a psychological advantage. It boots little that Fascist and Communist arc irreconcilably divided if j their assaults on the Government are simultaneously pressed.