THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1929. PLAIN TRUTH AT THE HAGUE.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXVI, Issue 20332, 13 August 1929, Page 8

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1929. PLAIN TRUTH AT THE HAGUE.

Almost at a bound, Mr. Snowden has become a dominant figure in European affairs, not to say international politics on a world-wide scale. He has appeared among foreign statesmen, and to foreign statesmen, as a man to be reckoned with, and the discovery, while by no means a discovery to those British folk who have long known his mind and tongue, has brought something like dismay. For the time being, Mr. Snowden is virtually head of the British Government: Cabinet, at a special meeting, has unanimously endorsed the stand he has taken ; Mr. Mac Donald, though Prime- Minister, has contemplated going to the Hague "to back him upand the whole country, it is said, is with him. It is his hour. In a few days he may be busying himself quietly again with officers of the Treasury ; but for the nonce Mr. Snowden is Prime Minister, Foreign Minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer all rolled into one, and the plain truth of the matter is that the excess of his virtues of logical coldness and incisive speech, an excess that has turned them into vices in the House of Commons, makes him the better fitted for the task in hand at the Hague. He has been bitterly chided by some foreign opponents as a menace to the peace of Europe. Perhaps he is. To say that this criticism of his attitude is but a melodramatic pose, since if the Young Plan be abandoned there is still the Dawes scheme in being as a safeguard, does not wholly fit the facts. The Dawes scheme has been proved far from ideal, good as it has been; and it ought not to be forgotten that the financial experts' recommendations and the consequent conference now proceeding have been occasioned by the recognised need to revise its interim provisions, in the interests of general economic stability and international peace. For the conferenco to break down would therefore be a blow to peace, as Mr. Snowden's continental critics say. Happily, he is not out for peace at any price.

Of considerable interest is the general endorsement, shared by all his colleagues, of his outspoken and implacable attitude. Labour critics of the Baldwin Government were wont to lament very vocally any point of policy capable of being interpreted as inimical to peace, and to promise that, if only they could get into power, they would bring international understanding, with "roses, roses all the way." Lately, come to office, they were repeating their determination to cement friendship with Russia, to link arms with the United States, to abandon the Singapore base because they held it provocative of war. A week i ago there was all too real reason to fear that they were bent on giving away, in their pursuit of this blind policy of making concessions in the interests of peace, much of vital value to the Homeland and the Empire. Now. thanks to Mr. Snowden, I who objects tenaciously to Britain ! being unjustly "hit in the pocket." this policy of peace at any price has been jettisoned. It may be salvaged after a while, but it will be the worse for its wetting and never able again to take on its old fictitious sheen. The excellence of his case against any unwarrantable alteration of the Spa percentages, any prolonging of deliveries in kind beyond the time specified in the Dawes scheme, and any enlargement of the functions of the proposed international bank beyond the handling of war debts, is so clear that even his most bitter opponents have not ventured to assail it with definite argument. It remains for the financial committee of the conference to examine his case in detail, and to decide whether the modifications he urges can be accepted ; within the Young Plan. Until that i is done, he is fully justified in press- { irig his three points, and whatever j the decision of the committee his j case will remain strong beyond ]

question. The Young Plan entails loss on Britain, while giving Germany the advantages of a restored financial autonomy and a precise but not wholly inelastic schedule of reparation payments, and giving some of the Allied and Associated Powers considerable increases on the amounts of reparation payments previously agreed on as equitable and unalterable. Britain, in loyal adhesion to the terms of the Balfour Note of 1922, is prepared for a general cancelling of war debts, with an associated adjustment of Germany's obligation ; she asks for no more, in any circumstances, from reparation yield and debt repayment than will enable her to meet the obligations she has to discharge, but she will not be satisfied with less. This attitude, by which Mr Snowden stands, is not merely a just one. It is magnanimous, notwithstanding a hostile likening of him to Shyloek demanding his pound of flesh. Britain's creditor is the United States; her debtors are continental Allies to whom she advanced sterling to meet their war requirements. The plain fact was put on record by the British Treasury years ago, and 'is indisputable, that "in all human probability the British debt to the United States would never have been incurred' had she not made these continental loans. Leaving out all other heroic service and sacrifice in the war—alone enough to have stopped the mouths of continental critics of Mr. Snowden—Britain thus took upon herself the financial burden of these Allies, and is bravely carrying it today without complaint. Little wonder that, keen as the criticism has been in epithet, it has avoided argument. Discussion in the financial committee of the conference should vindicate the Chancellor completely and validate his case. Meanwhile, it is good to have in him one prepared to speak the truth though the heavens fall.

REPUBLICAN GERMANY. Germany has just celebrated the tenth anniversary of the Republic. The (lay selected is not that on which the Republic was proclaimed. That event occurred on November 9, 1918, Herr Scheidemann making the proclamation from the buildings of the Reichstag. August 11 marks the anniversary of the Constitution, which was proclaimed on that date in the following year. Ten years cover a considerable span in these days when events march quickly. It is easy to forget that in the second half of 1919 and even during 1920, after the first Reichstag had been elected, the German Republic could not be regarded as firmly founded. Two forces worked against it, the reactionary element typified by demobilised army officers who saw their careers abruptly ended by the collapse of the old regime, and the Communists, who were more formidable then by far than they are now. The position has changed profoundly in the intervening years. It is still possible to have reservations about the permanence of the German Republic, to doubt whether the old spirit of aggression is entirely dead. There is not the same fear, however, of the country being overwhelmed by a tide of Bolshevism and threatening all Europe with chaos through following the example of Russia. The danger of that happening was by no means slight in the first turbulent years following the war. It is noted that during the celebration of this year's anniversary, special tributes were paid to the President, Marshal von Hindenburg. His election to that office in 1925 caused many doubts and queries, but the Republic under his presidency has proved more tranquil and given greater promise of permanence than before. As said, its prospect of enduring indefinitely may still be doubted by many, but there is evidence that Republican Germany is internally peaceful, is working hard, and is prospering more than many countries that were on the other side during the war. Such circumstances are not conducive to violent changes. Though the Republic may not be enthusiastically acclaimed, it appears generally accepted by the German people.