FOR LAW AND ORDER.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LXII, Issue 19177, 17 November 1925, Page 9

FOR LAW AND ORDER.

MR. BRUCE PUTS HIS CASE.

COUNTRY AND ITS VERDICT.

WHY THE APPEAL WAS MADE. The case for sane and constitutional government in Australia was forcibly put by the Prime Minister, Mr. S. M. Bruce* in**two largely-attended meetings addressed by him in Sydney on the evening of November 7. "I have found," said Mr. Bruce, speaking at Paddington, "that the people want to know about the important issuey, of this campaign, and that in the really industrial centres one is heard more patiently and attentively than anywhere else. The reason for this is that the working man is beginning to realise that something is wrong; he does not know exactly what fit is, but he is prepared to use his judgment. The people in this election are showing a desire to think for themselves. We are going to have law and order, and tho workers are glad to think that violence will be at an end." A Voice: What about the fascists? Mr. Brace: I don't care whether it is the fascist movement or any other. Nothing is to be allowed to violate law and order in this country. (Applause.) , Some one asked why Mr. Bruce had not used the power the country had given hirr; at the last election, instead of going to the people for a mandate. Having explained that Mr. Charlton had challenged him many times in the House to go to the country, and having said that when he accepted v the challenge Mr. Charlton and his followers nearly collapsed with consternation, Mr. Bruce stated: "If there is one fellow we will not tolerate in Australia it is the gentleman who asks for fight, and crawls away whining when he gets it." (Cheers.) People in the back of the hall began to howl. Mr. Bruce: Though your voices are extremely loud your remark is completely unintelligible. It is an astonishing fact, which I have often noticed, that when you begin to score from your opponents they become extraordinarily loud. The Seamen's Strike. "You, like the owners, want to starve the British seamen," said a voice irrelevantly. Mr. Bruce: Oh, no I don't. I would like to see them paid much higher wages. But might I ask the gentlemen around the hall, who have so much sympathy with 'the British seamen, why they are not raising their voices against the conditions of the British coalminers, who have accepted reductions much greater than the seamen have suffered ? And why are they prepared to load and coal every ship in the world that is not Bri'.ish, though the wages and conditions on them are far worse than those of the British seamen? (Cheers.) A Voice: Why didn't you settle the British seamen's strike t Mr. Bruce: The strike would! not have lasted 24 hours if the Labour leaders who believe in trades unionism had had the courage to stand up behind the extremists for the principles they preach. (Applause). A Voice: You did not tell the strikers to go back ? Mr. Bruce: Ineed, I was the only person who did. I told them they must be beaten, and to-day we see these unfortunate men in the condition I predicted." When Mr. Bruce had concluded his speech the enormous audience surged down the aisles to the platform to' grip the Prime Minister's hand. It was amusing to see many of Mr. Bruce's hecklers glowing with pride at having shaken hands with the Prime Minister. Outside in the street, where hundreds of people, unable to gain admission to the hall, had listened to the address reproduced by loud speakers, Mr. Bruce was received with an enthusiastic demonstration. Destroyers of Labour. In his speech at Hurstville, Mr. Bruce said:—"l regret very much that these men who are leading the Labour Party are able to use that name, becauso they do not represent Labour in this country to-day. That honour belongs to the party I lead. It has been said of me that I accuse the Labour Party of disloyalty. I have done nothing of the sort. Whwinfc I have said, and what has driven the Labour leaders into a fury, is that they have not the courage to stand up to the men who are destroying Labour and using its great organisation for purposes its founders never intended. "It has been said of me, too, that I am weak. I am not weak; I am patient. I saw that the troubles of industrialism must be settled inside the unions, and it was only when I realised that the leaders had not the strength to face the music that I stepped in and said: "We will go to the country.' I only wish I could have carried the State Governments with me. Could I have done so the Commonwealth would have gained incalculably. "What I ask you to do is to exercise your cultivated intelligence. If I could produce to-morrqw a wonderful cry that would carry me back to the House with unequalled power the thought that I should use it would never cross my mind. I want to be your Prime Minister because nowhere in the world is your education and democracy equalled."