THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS, MONDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1918. PEACE OR VICTORY.

New Zealand Herald, Volume LV, Issue 16980, 14 October 1918, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS, MONDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1918. PEACE OR VICTORY.

The reply of the German Government to Mr. Wilson's Note brings nearer that tremendous day, more solemn even than the fourth of August, 1914, when the Allies must decide whether the world may again enjoy the priceless blessing of peace. The waging of war carries weighty responsibility to the living. The signing of peace involves even greater responsibility to tho slain and to unborn generations, The statesmen of 1914 had no option but to declare war. They had no way of escape from the disaster which overtook humanity, and their duty was so clear that it was read aright by all. The statesmen of 1918 are. charged with the task of applying the tragic lesson they have learned and of saving the world from such another experience. This war was inevitable. Whether war will ever again be inevitable depends upon the wisdom and courage of tho political leaders of the allied nations. That Germany is prepared to go to very great lengths to obtain peace is obvious, but it is not yet clear whether she is ready to tread! the full length of the bitter path of reparation and surrender. She fu>s returned a superficial acceptance of Mr. Wilson's demands, but where so much is a matter 'of future definition everything depends upon the spirit rather than the tenor of the reply, The Central Powers say they are willing to comply with the President's proposals regarding evacuation, but is this surrender absolute? Are they ready to withdraw their armies from Russia and Poland as well as from Franco and Belgium, from Italy and tho Balkans and from Alsace-Lorraine 1 France will certainly regard Alsace as " invaded territory," and Mr; Wilson insists upon tho righting of the wrong of 1871. The suggestion made in German newspapers that France should go back to her fronI tier of 1914 suggests that Germany still misunderstands what is required of her, and that she is not yet prepared to accept unconditionally tho full terms laid down by the Allies.

All that can be said is that the German reply still leaves the door open to. peace. It has not closed the door upon war, and however much the Allies long for the end, I they are bound to make a further test of. Germany's readiness to comply with the conditions agreed upon by all as an irreducible minimum. There can be no bargaining over these terms. Mr. Wilson has laid that down as eloquently and firmly as any other allied leader. And since there can be no negotiation over the essential points, it will be necessary for Germany to give practical proof of her acceptance before there is any conference or any cessation of hostilities. Not only must the Central Powers go back to thenown frontiers in the west, but they must evacuate wholly and unreservedly occupied territory in Russia and Houmania, and -they must tear up the treaties of Brest Litovsk and Bucharest.. AlsaceLorraine must be given back to (France, the Dardanelles must pass , under allied control as a guarantee that the straits will be internationalised, German and Austrian authority must cease not merely in Russian Poland, but in all Polish territory, whether belonging to Prussia or Austria. All these are among the irreducible demands of the Allies, and they must be conceded before there is an armistice. It may be that Germany has not gathered from the brief and somewhat indefinite Notes that have passed all, that is required of her, but she will soon learn that the' Allied terms amount to unconditional surrender. The European i Allies have subscribed to the general terms of, Mr. Wilson's last Note, but they have still to express themselves upon the practical steps to be taken to secure guarantees of Germany's sincerity. Failing the enemy's acceptance of the specific proposals which will now bo submitted—and these may include the occupation of strategic points on tho German frontier-it will be necessary to permit Marshal Foch to continue the great task he is so brilliantly carrying out. Under his relentless pressure the evacuation of France and Belgium is proceeding quite satisfactorily, and the miliary situation is so promising that nothing short of unreserved surrender by Germany can be permitted to interrupt its development to tho inevitable conclusion. Diplomacy cannot bo allowed to hamstring tho Allied armies at this critical stage unless it is clear beyond doubt that the work of the armies has been accomplished. It is more than probable that Germany still hopes to divide the Allies and secure a negotiated peace. That is the chief clanger of the present situation, and it is a danger which must be avoided at all costs. To negotiate now, when the enemy is almost ready to yield everything, would bo a stupendous political folly and an irreparable error. It would be such a blunder as the Congress of Vienna, which blighted for a century prospects almost as fair as those of to-day. The fate of Poland, Saxony and Italy hung in the balance, the new forces of liberty and nationality which had caused Napoleon's downfall clamoured for recognition, the British plenipotentiary cherished a hope that the Powers would guarantee the settlement and undertake to make war collectively on whoever dared to disturb it. The four victorious Powers had the world at their feet to make or mar. Successful in war, they failed in negotiation. France sent the astute Talleyrand to split the allies, and he succeeded so well that

they quarrelled and almost fought; the conference became a scramble for territory and power, and the claim of the strongest prevailed. Thero must be no such conference as this. Tho issues aro too great for bargaining or compromise. Germany must be punished for hen crimes. It is not enough that she make reparation which will ultimately leave her economically stronger lEaij now. Her military power must bo broken, and the Allies must shapo Europe on the eternal principles of justice. They have a glorious opportunity. The political structure of the whole world is fluid, and may bo recast as desired. Injustices which have lasted for a century may be removed, cancers which have distressed Europo for generations may bo excised, and the new world may bo made sweet and wholesome and safe for democracy, Humanity never had such a chance before, and a solemn duty rests on allied peoples to make , certain that it is not sacrificed either to war-weariness or to criminal weakness masquerading as generosity. I