THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, MAY 26, 1911. THE IMPERIAL CONFERENCE.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLVIII, Issue 14690, 26 May 1911, Page 6

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, MAY 26, 1911. THE IMPERIAL CONFERENCE.

There was once a profound belief that a radical and unalterable difference in political opinion lay between those who desired social progress, and those who sought to make the Empire great -and strong. Little more than a generation ago those British statesmen who held that the two aims were not necessarily antagonistic to one another were very few and far between. It would have been regarded as fantastic to prophesy such an Imperial Conference as that now sitting in London, where colonial statesmen of every shade of political opinion are cordially united in considering what may be done for the peace and security of our Empire, and for the well-being of its various peoples. Whatever else has been done or left undone during the past generation, at least we are learning how to "think Imperially." For better or for worse the whole world is now quite conscious of its range, and of its limitations. There is no more mystery in the old-fashioned sense. The Japanese and the Russians, the Chinese and the Americans, the Mahomedans and the Europeans, know more of one another to-day than neighbouring countries did a hundred years ago. Everything of special interest happening in one quarter of the globe is known everywhere within a few hours. We read at breakfast in Auckland the official bulletin, epitomising the Conference proceedings, published in London on the day before. We are popularly realising, what few statesmen realised fifty years ago, the grave political truth that Western civilisation is beset by dangerous enemies as well as divided within itself into opposing camps. The result of this increased knowledge and awakened perception is that the tide of public opinion has turned irresistibly towards a closer organisation of, and better understanding between, the States and peoples already combined in the great institution we call the British Empire. We are all Imperialists now; the confident statesmen who concocted the misleading metaphor of sons leaving the paternal home to setup housekeeping on their own. account have left no successors; nor does anybody imagine any longer that progress cannot bp as dear to the politician who wants the Empire to stand as to the politician who wants it to disintegrate. The fact is that the common .citizen now sees in the Empire a necessary and desirable organisation for the mutual protection of its components, and an institution which, in spite of its weaknesses, has made for justice and equity, for law and order and the good of humanity.

An Anglo-American arbitration treaty may have ultimate results tantamount to the resumption of the closest relationship between the Empire and the huge nation which has grown from the old transAtlantic colonies. But intimate as is our British friendship for America, kindly as is the feeling between the colonies which are Imperial and the colonies which went Republican, there is something lacking in our relations with America which exists between British States in unbounded measure. The New Zealander is not a stranger in Sydney or in Vancouver, as. he is in San Francisco; the Star-spangled-Banner .does not flutter to protect him; the giant strength of America is not waiting to strike at any who do him wrong; nor would it bo possible for American and British statesmen to discuss with complete confidence and understanding the matters which will be discussed by our Imperial delegates. The British Empire has a side common to every great Empire which the. world has known— its establishment of law and order over subject races. As to this, it is universally acknowledged by all impartial and unbiassed foreign critics that there has never been a better, more equitable, or more beneficent Imperial Administration. But the British Empire is more than a conquering organisation ; it is a unique and unprecedented combination of selfgoverning and locally independent European peoplesßritish, French, Dutch— and is the Empire with which we are directly concerned. In many i respects it is an unintentional experiment in international organisation, an object-lesson upon the possibility of brotherly relations between States of different origin, diverse tongues, and varying history, widely separated from each other, and without any natural bond excepting that afforded by the general permeation of the dominant British stock. Sir Joseph Ward's scheme for an Imperial Council will be sympathised with by all who are " thinking Imperially," for it is an attempt to assist the evolution' and development of our great. Empire, than which the world contains to-day no more hopeful organisation . for peace.on earth and gopdwill among men* v '