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THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, MARCH 16, 1908. LORD ROSEBERY AND THE EMPIRE.

The self-governing colonies have been happily prevented from becoming wholly partisan in their attitude towards British and Imperial politics by the knowledge that in both of the historic parties of the Imperial Parliament they have warm friends and generous sympathisers. Among the most prominent of these friendly Imperialists is certainly Lord Rosebery, with whom we can well afford to differ without the slightest mental reservation that he is not wholly and heartily desirous of the closer unity and harmony of the Empire, upon the lines generally conceived by the overseas British. But it is very hard even for a Rosebery, whose ploughing of a lonely furrow has been such a distinct loss to- political life of the United Kingdom, to remain free from those .atmospheric influences "which surround political parties, as well as nationalities and sects. And it,says much for the complete absence of "any fiscal faith or logical position in the ranks of the British Free Traders that a statesman like Lord Rosebery should consider it permissible to publicly repeat, at the National Liberal Club, that most woful and un-English of all fiscal arguments— that, if an Imperial Tariff is set up it would inspire the rest of the world to attack us. He ' said: Such a tariff would add a great element of disunion and have a grave disadvantage or peril, making it the interest of every nation now favouring the existence of free trade throughout the Empire to try to break up the Empire when it opposes a tariff rampart against the rest of the world." In other words, we are not to discuss our own British Imperial questions and our own fiscal policies from the standpoint of national sovereignty and independence, but are to ask one another how Germany would like us to tax German fencing wire if we admitted British fencing wire free, and how the Argentine would take a British 5 per cent, ditty on wheat and butter if colonial wheat and butter were admited into the United Kingdom free of duty. That the United States and Germany and France and Russia and the Argentine Federation and every other political organisation in the world, excepting the British Empire, erects " a tariff rampart against the rest of the world" is fondly overlooked by those fiscal theorists who are at their wits' end to defend and justify a quite antiquated and exploded system. That Lord Rosebery an Imperialist to the backbone, should have been driven by his fiscal affiliations and for lack of a better argument to threaten us- with the enmity of nations unless we continue to buy as readily from those v;ho are building navies to attack us as from those who are building navies to defend us, is really a warning that the end of Free Trade in the United King- ' dom ■ is very near. Not only is a. cause hopeless when it has to resort to such arguments, but arguments are rare indeed when a Rosebery resorts to such an one. He is much more on his own ground when he insists upon " the necessity for constant vigilance, for the maintenance of vast superiority at sea, and constant readiness and vigilance regarding armaments on land." For Lord Rosebery is too experienced a statesman and too liberal-minded a man not to know that excuse is never 'lacking when a lean wolf meets a fat lamb, and that neither preference nor free trade nor any other form of fiscalism will save the Empire if it is not able to save itself. , It would seem, indeed, that in. defending Free Trade before the National Liberal Club, Lord Rosebery was preparing his audience for the surrender, as the least of two evils, of that untenable policy. "If it came to a choice—and he trusted it never would —between socialism and protection, he unhesitatingly preferred protection. Protection is a great evil, a great tyranny, a great source of corruption, but socialism is the end of all things—Empire, religion, faith, freedom and property. Socialism is the death-blow. What would become of free trade if socialIsm were, predominant." In this peroration we have evidence of the qualities which have made Lord Rosebery a power in British politics. | He plainly.. [with the insight

which has long anchored him firmly to the Imperialistic mode of thought, that, while British Liberalism is endeavouring to keep the fiscal question in the forefront of the political battle, the Labour parties are taking advantage' of its weakness to undermine the whole structure of Society. The social reforms which are being advocated on every hand by the Asquiths, no less than by the MaeDonalds and the Keir Hardies, involve a great national outlay and a steady annual expenditure. The socialistic element is opposing that preferential tariff which necessarily assumes a protective guise for no other purpose whatever than to compel the country to resort to socialistic and confiscatory forms of taxation. It is quite possible, by raising part of the national revenue by means of wisely-arranged Customhouse duties to avoid any unwarranted and dangerous attack upon vested rights and private interests. And it is obvious,-to men like Lord Rosebery, that no national policy of this character can be fatal in Britain when it has not proved fatal in any other country or in any other par L of the world. At the most, to a Free Trader of his mode of thinking, fiscalism is a matter of expediency and not of principle—as it is to every man who has impartially studied this great and complicated question. And he cannot view with, the indifference of less incisive minds the prospect of Preferentialists and Free Traders mutually wrecking themselves in such a battle while the Socialistic forces, like camp-follow-ers, wait on the flanks to secure the plunder, whichever side is triumphant. It is quite plain that Lord Rosebery inclines strongly to a union of the preservative forces of society against the destructive forces, and that he is prepared, for himself, when the times are ripe, to make terms with the Unionist Party. It remains to be seen whether lie will be able to carry with him any considerable section of the Liberal Party. In his favour is the resentment and indignation which must have been aroused by the conduct of the Labour organisations in making a three-cornered fight wherever possible, and in thus capturing electorate after electorate with a minority vote. If such an alliance can be brought about in the United Kingdom it must, greatly assist the similar movement against the same enemy, visibly in progress, not only in New Zealand, but throughout all other British colonies.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH19080316.2.14

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume XLV, Issue 13699, 16 March 1908, Page 4

Word Count
1,117

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, MARCH 16, 1908. LORD ROSEBERY AND THE EMPIRE. New Zealand Herald, Volume XLV, Issue 13699, 16 March 1908, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, MARCH 16, 1908. LORD ROSEBERY AND THE EMPIRE. New Zealand Herald, Volume XLV, Issue 13699, 16 March 1908, Page 4