THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1901.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXVIII, Issue 11824, 29 November 1901, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1901.

The complete failure of a certain section of British politicians to understand the colonial responsibilities of the Empire is possibly at the bottom of the astonishing agitation carried on in Britain by the Pro-Boers. In New Zealand, as in the rest of the colonies, we have many and bitter political differences, in which .personal feelings and sectional jealiousies often attain a heat which would be almost unknown in the United Kingdom were it not for the existence of the Irish party. But in the presence of the national enemy we close up our ranks and stand shoulder to shoulder. As we have over and over again pointed out, as every journal in the colony has as repeatedly declared, in the matter of the war Mr. Seddon can speak as emphatically for his political opponents' and critics as he can for his most unquestioning supporters. All that the colony has ever asked of its Premier in this great national matter is that he shall be loyal and true to the Empire and shall leave nothing undone which can be done to support and strengthen it. This South African question stands entirely apart from those upon which we colonists agree to differ and to dispute. For it does not seem to us possible to dispute when the very existence of our fellow colonists in South Africa is at stake, when upon the final issue of this great struggle depends the right of the British colonist to dwell in peace beneath the shadow of our world-wide flag. And it amazes us that politicians of standing, ministers of religion, citizens of repute, should be busy at Home in decrying our colonial claims, in encouraging our enemies, in vilifying and traducing the Colonial Secretary who works whole-heartedly in the interests of Greater Britain. If a foreign invader crossed the waterfrontier of Britain and spread ruin and devastation among the hopfields of Kent and the milling districts of Lancashire, Ave cannot suppose that there would be so much I tolerance at Home for what loyal colonists cannot but regard as rank treason and disloyalty. But many short-sighted and narrow-minded people in Britain evidently do not regard the outlying colonies as part and parcel of the Motherland, they do not realise that wherever the flag flies over men of British stock is as much Britain as though it lay within hearing of Bow Bells. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman is the present mouthpiece of the party that in the fierce struggle of the rival races for supremacy and dominion in South Africa has persistently and consistently slandered the Briton and lauded the Boer. He takes the opportunity of a great national emergency to distort and misinterpret everything which is done by his countrymen of the Empire who, having fought for very existence, are now fighting on so that they may not have to fight the same enemy again. And he attacks with all the keenness and unscrupulousness of a mere party politician the business man of the Cabinet, whpse duties identify him with colonial interests. We can understand that occasional individuals may manifest such idiosyncracies, for all forms of abnormality are to be expected among many millions of men. But what colonials find it hard to understand is that such outrageous sentiments should be approved by a considerable number of people. It would be utterly impossible for Sir Henry CampbellBannerman to obtain in New Zealand a sympathetic audience. Labour unions and employers' unions would combine to non-confidence him ; miners and farmers, townsmen and settlers, would equally refuse to

allow his treason to the race to go unchallenged; North Island and South Island _ would forget all meaner rivalries in their noble rivalry of loyalty; in this hard-won outpost of Empire a garrison that knows its title to possession would laugh his feeble sophistries to scorn. For we know that as we deal with our brethren in South Africa so, in our day of need, will they deal with us. And our brother is not the Boer who dreamed of driving us English into the sea and crossed the colonial border in his deliberatelyplanned attempt to expel us from South Africa, but the loyal and trusting kinsman who, whether he be in Britain or beyond the seas, loves his nation and his kindred and cherishes more than life the institutions which make us free. If we colonists spoke an alien tongue and were of alien race and had done our utmost to destroy Democracy and to tea; down the flag which means unity and safety to the wide British world Sir Henry Campbell-Banner-man would be eloquent on our behalf. As things are he holds r brief for the enemy, and having so bad a case abuses the other side. As we have said, what the colonies find it hard to understand is that he and men like him should find in the land that still is Home to us sympathetic audiences.

The cowardly attacks upon Mr. Chamberlain, most popular and intelligent of colonial secretaries, are arousing in the colony a deep and hearty indignation against his traducers. Much of Imperial politics is i necessarily foreign to us and we are 1 compelled to form our conclusions from our reading and our estimate of the value of differing authorities. But in the matter of South Africa we are at least as well informed as our kinsfolk at Home, and ih the matter of Mr. Chamberlain— as Colonial Secretarywe know him better than do the politicians of Britain. What can Sir Henry Camp-bell-Banncrman and his cabal teach the colonies of Mr. Chamberlain 1 We all know him as a statesman who deals with' us more nobly and more generously than did any of his predecessoj-s, who has introduced into his Department businesslike methods which are in striking contrast to the previous system of Downing-street and which we have sorrowful reasons for believing to be as yet unknown in other State Departments, and who is, and always has been, singularly devoted to his duties, never grudging us time or trouble and never faltering in loyalty to the Crown or failing to understand our colonial sentiments. The colonial world is being steadily and beneficently influenced by the character of Mr. Chamberlain, and it would be impossible to find a colonial statesman of repute who does not regard him with respect, esteem and admiration. But in the colonies, lacking as we may be in the courtesies of the Motherland, we do not mix our politics and our patriotism, nor confuse our internal differences with our external obligations. Men like Sir Henry Campbell-Ban-nerman may profess that their attacks upon their country's government do not encourage their country's enemies and may see nothing wrong in presenting to the foreiger the woful spectacle of a divided house. Whether this be so or not, evil and sad will it be for us in New Zealand if such men and such a party as they would lead should hold power in England when invasion broke upon our New Zealand shores and we fought for our homes and liberties as our fellow colonists have had to fight against the Boer in South Africa; and evil and sad would it be for England in her inevitable time of trouble if such ideas should triumph in Greater Britain and we should fall so low as to cheer with treacherous lips a Cossack horde that tore down the flag at Dover and threatened the virgin sanctity of London-town.