THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTH CROSS. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1899.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXVI, Issue 11200, 21 October 1899, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTH CROSS. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1899.

To-day will be ever memorable in th i history of the colony, as that on which a contingent of New Zealand's sons, trained, armed, and equipped . in the colony, left our shores to fight by the side of the uoldiers of the ) Queen for the maintenance of the rightful claims of Britons, and for the safety of the Empire—"the great- ■ est secular agency for good known to the world," We do not speak of England's honour and glory, because there must be something more than these to justify a war, but these also we are sure that every man has at heart. The event of to-day marks a new departure in the history of Empires. We may search the whole of , the past records of humanity with- . out finding a parallel; and if we look over the world, we will find that no nation could place on view a like spectacle. The Roman Empire had | no support in its hour of need from the communities it had founded, and ; the subject races who were incorporated in the legions, turned their swords against the seat of Empire. In modern times, France and Spain have founded many colonies, but never in any case have they received aid from them, On the contrary, ■ they have been burdens to the : Mother Country. All ties of honour and respect have been ruptured, until hatred and contempt were the only feelings entertained. This is not a levy made on New < Zealand for the safety of the Mother , . Country. The colony has made the offer, and every man who goes is a 1 volunteer— is indeed keen competition for the honour of going. And 1 the men go carrying with them the' most fervent feelings of affection of ; every man and woman in the colony, 1 . and the keenest sense that the contest they are to take part in is just ; and necessary, and has bee,i forced !, upon England, much against the will ]~ of those who now guide her clos- j ■; tinies. No war is waged now at the , behest of a ruler, or of a clique of ' rulers. In any country which calls , itself free, and which rests upon the / • will of the . people, all that leads up [

to a war must be keenly scrutinised . and canvassed. The power that enforces this has been growing year by year. No national event has been so fully dealt with and canvassed as this resolve to resist the intolerable tyrannies and encroachments of the Boers. Day by day, every item of the controversy has been put before the people-not the people of England merely, but of the world. An official statement of the case for the Uitlanders has been laid before the Parliament of New Zealand. The verdict of every citizen of the Empire has been challenged, and we know the reply. Great Britain has striven to redress her wrongs by every means, and cannot now' retire from the position she has taken up without deep dishonour, without placing herself on the list of decadent nations, and dragging down with her her colonies in every sea. The Imperial note of the British Empire was forcibly struck at the grand celebration of 1897, Then, as a people, we stood before the nations in a new light. Every colony and dependency of the Empire was then represented in London. Every race of mankind seemed to have gathered under the flag. First were the great English _ self-governing colonies of Australasia and Canada, growing into nations, with all the free institutions of the Old Country. These were represented by their political chiefs and by detachments of men born in the colonies, but proud of the name of Briton. The Empire then manifested itself as a world dominion, and yet undivided and indivisible, all its sons ready to stand shoulder to shoulder for a common cause. That assemblage was a pledge that if the need ever came all of us should remember the motto, "One people, one destiny that there should be no holding back, or craven seeking to avoid our obligations, that if the call were made we should muster our best and bravest for the honour and the safety of Great Britain. We were pledged to do this in no mean and niggard spirit, but that we should see our duty as loving children to assist a noble parent in the hour of need, that we should give our aid not grudgingly, but should count it a privilege to help the Old Country, which stands for all that is best in the ruling of the human race. And now the hour of trial has come, the hour to make it manifest whether our professions were only the gushings of holiday enthusiasm, or the determination of grateful and dutiful children, who counted it a privilege to recognise all the ties of home. And in sending a contingent to the Transvaal we are not merely rendering a service to the Empire and to humanity. We are doing the greatest service for ourselves in these colonies. Sir Charles Dilke, in that supremely able book, "The Problems of Greater Britain," discusses the whole South African question in a way which is most instructive at the present time. He points out the strength of the Dutch element in South Africa, and the risks that Great Britain runs in that region from the formation of the Dutch States of the South African Republic and the Orange Free State. Speaking of Mr. Hofmeyr and the Afrikander Bond, Sir Charles Dilke says : — I feel sure that so able a politician as Mr. Hofmoyr knows that the United Kingdom must hold Capetown, and that, if in her days of weakness she should wish to leave it, the Australians would not allow it to pass into the hands of Germany or of an Afrikander power, which might become unfriendly to themselves. In another part of the same book, Sir Charles says It is certain that British interests in the Cape can never be forgotten; that while a general hostility to'our rule would bo sufficient to make us part with almost any other colony, it is impossible for us to give up the military station which we occupy at the extremity of the African continent, and which itself cannot be held unless we hold at all events a portion of the country round it. In all the discussions on this momentous question, we here have scarcely, recognised our immediate interest. But we have a great immediate interest, as a very little reflection will show us. The greater part of our commerce with London comes by the Cape, and we look to South Africa as a country with which in the future we ought to have a large commerce. If a war took place in Europe, we have to consider the possibility of the Suez route being closed, when everything (would depend on the Cape route. That would certainly not be safe with a hostile Power holding South Africa. All these colonies would be in great danger. "Her days of weakness" indeed! The days of weakness of Great Britain ! These days have not come yet, and it will be a sorry time for the world when they do come. No true Briton would ever wish to live to see them. With God's help, they shall not come in our tijne. They shall be warded off with all our power while we can lift an arm. The aid we can give is but small, but we shall give it heartily. Our men will remember that they represent New Zealand, and they will strike for New Zealand as well as for England. They will remember the grandest of battle-cries, that New Zealand expects every man to do his duty.