THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. SATURDAY, JANUARY 23, 1897.
The speecli made by Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords, on the Address-in-Reply, is most important in many respects. It a frank statement that a great point of British policy for the last century lias been a mistake, or at least that the policy is to be continued no longer, and that a new departure is to be tiiken. In making this statement
Lord Salisbury will do no violence to public sentiment, which had long ago come to the same conclusion, but at the same time that does not diminish the interest of what he lias said, because the change.of policy prefigured will;
certainly have important issues in the future. Lord Salisbury says that both himself and Lord Beaconsfield had had misgivings as to the wisdom of the policy of propping upTnrkey. They, however,.
continued that policy, and made it effective up to the Berlin Congress of 1878. Lord Salisbury goes on to say that it was
clear that Great Britain made a mistake in rejecting the proposals inadoby the Czar in 1853 for defining the influence and power of Turkey, and similar overtures would how be gladly accepted.
Thus for nearly half a century have we been exerting the power of the Empire In a futile task, and now we come back as fa'r as possible to the status quo before the Crimean war. With what dire results the mistakes of stuto-smen and of peoplcs are fraught! The Crimean war oost_ England and France a vast amount o£ treasure aud many preciouslives, and now it is confessed that it ought never to have been gone into. At the time, Avaruing voices were raised, but the popular cry drowned them completely, and Great Britain "drifted into war." From the time of Catherine 11, at all eveutsi Russia had formed extensive plans for the extension of the empire, ancj these were resuscitated by Nicholas I.' Tur- ' key had lost Greece, aud the whole of her Christian subjects were discontented, on account of misgovernment and oppression. Nicholas beliovod that he had secured himself from the interference of Austria and Prussia, and that an alliance between France and England was impossible. He boldly proposed to the nations that Turkey was " the sick man" of Europe, and that an agreement should be come to as to the inheritance. He wanted that Servin
Russia, Bulgaria, and the principalities of the Danube should be made Russian protectorates, and that Constantinople should be provisionally occupied by ltussiim troops. Russia also made a formal demand for protectorate of the Christian subjects of the Porte, or at least of those belonging to the Greek Church, England and France were alarmed about" the balance of power/ , ' It was thought that with a. Russian army at Constantinople, the Black Sea would be merely a .Russian lake, and that Russia would be the predominant power in the Mediterranean, that our prestige would be destroyed, and our Indian empire endangered. Then followed the war between England, France, Sardinia, and Russia, and the guaranteeing of the independence of the Turkish Empire by the Powers. But the position of affairs which existed before the Crimean war cannot be restored. There have been changes all round. The Balkau States are now in a different position, while the formation of the German Empire creates many new conditions. The statement of Lord Salisbury has no doubt been made with a more or less intimate knowledge of the sentiments of all the Great Powers, and especially, it may be assumed, after the recent conference at
Balmoral, that ho knows the mind of tlio (Jz-u and of the statesmen of Russia and also of Her Majesty the Queen, It is not a mere vague, rhetorical utterance. It is evidently the prelude to action. It is an invitation to Russia to renew proposals for the settlement of the ttlfaira of " the sick man," and it is an intimation that Great Britaiu at all events will aid in carrying out any reasonable arrangement. The intimation to Turkey is direct and forcible. The Powers, Lord Salisbury says, were pondering as to remedies to save the Turkish Empire, '.' and it was generally agreed that if reforms were refused material pressure must be applied." Some of the most important Powers were convinced that " the doom of Turkey could not longer be postponed unless the essential reforms were granted." There is .still talk of reforms, but as a matter of fact the time for these is past, and Lord Salisbury and all the Powers know that Turkey has not- strength enough to give good government in many parts of her dominions. The Sultan could not bring about good government even in his own capital. But what will "the assassin who sits upon the throne of
Constantinople" reply to this intimation that unless certain things are done which he cannot do, "the doom of Turkey could not longer be postponed ?" No doubt a concert of all the Powers
could easily sweep the Turkish Government out of existence. But the division of a heritage is always a matter of danger and difficulty. When nations have made a treaty to take possession of a country the business lias generally ended by a quarrel over the spoils, and everyone must see that in this instance there are special reasons to fear that everything would not be peacefully settled. There are six Powers concerned-Great Britain, Russia, Germany, Austria, France, and Italy, and a concert for any length of
time amongst six nations is almost unknown in history. Our concern is with the policy of Great Britain. Iu this matter we recognise that it cunnot stand aside, and leave it to be settled by others. We presume that Great Britain does not want Constantinople, or any territory in Eastern Europe. But it has been
one of the main props of the Turkish Empire, and it must have a say in its fate. Great Britain has the care of Egypt; the Suez Uanal must be guarded and. the interests of our Indian Empire. And the statesmen of England must consider that beyond the shores of the island which is the heart and the headquarters of the Empire there are great populations whose interests are in their care. Truly, the responsibilities of English statesmen at this moment are enormous. Egypt alone is a serious matter to deal with, and as Lord Salisbury says that he means as soon as possible to recover Khartoum, it is clear that we have still much to do in Northern Africa. In Central Africa and in South Africa complicated and dangeraus problems are still being dealt with, In India, there is a widespread famine, demanding to cope with it a large expenditure and a complicated organisation. And
now this great Eastern Question, the difficulty of centuries, comes up for imperative solution. Where the steps necessary for that purpose may leave the world, no one can predict. We can only hope that the men who guide the destinies of the Empire may bo led to wise resolutions, whicli shall be for the benefit of humanity.
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXIV, Issue 10347, 23 January 1897, Page 4
Word Count
1,188THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. SATURDAY, JANUARY 23, 1897. New Zealand Herald, Volume XXXIV, Issue 10347, 23 January 1897, Page 4
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