INDIA REVIEWED.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXIX, Issue 8854, 16 April 1892, Page 1 (Supplement)

INDIA REVIEWED.

[BY H.] lII.—POLITICAL. THE CONGRESS MOVEMENT.

British Government in India may be described as a Benevolent Despotism—perhaps the best example of such the world has ever seen. The Viceroy and Presidency Governors are nominated by the Crown, and they in their turn nominate the members of the Supreme and Presidency Councils respectively, with tho exception of ex officio members. The lower officials of Government are also invested with powers to a large extent despotic, and so on to the end of the executive. Strict justice, impartiality, and rectitude, without regard to creed and colour, arc the characteristics of our rule in India, and the Government, it must be said, takes pains (though through a wrong agency—tho bureaucracy) to ascertain the wishes of tho people. Freedom of speech and of the press are undisturbed. Nearly all unbiassed students of history, whether native or European, agree that tho British Raj is the best the country ever had, and under it tho country is progressing as it never did before. So far so good. But the fact must not be lost sight of that the Indians tiro rapidly developing both individually and as a nation, and that political institutions should widen simultaneously. The official class, and Anglo-Indians as a whole, will not see this, however, will not put any trust in the capabilities of their native fellow-subjects, and, to put it mildly, are decidedly reactionary, and in many cases bitterly opposed to any native liberal movement. Of course, honourable exceptions will bo met with throughout India, and names such as Sir William Weddorburn and Cotton, the author of '' Mew India," stand out conspicuously on the progressive side. The latter, by the way, I have heard spoken of in Anglo-Indian circles as "one of the most dangerous men in India !"

A most important factor in guiding public opinion on these matters is the " Congress Movement," inaugurated by a number of gifted native progressists. The first Indian National Congresss was held in Bombay, in 18S5, and presided over by Mr. W. C. Bonnerjce, one of the leaders of the Calcutta Bar, the number of delegates being 72. At the end of ISSi) the Fifth Congress was held again at Bombay. This time Sir William Wedderburn acted as president over an assembly of nearly 2000 delegates. Baring the intervening years the movement was subjected to misrepresentation, a senseless opposition and still more senseless ridicule from the official and ''ruling class" as a whole, Anglo-Indian journals, etc. The opposition culminated at the ISSS Congress at Allahabad, when every obstruction was placed in the way of the assembly obtaining a suitable site for meeting. But a good cause is sure to triumph sooner or later, and from this time most of the opposition gradually changed to neutrality. The Congress Movement is essentially moderate and loyal in its character ; anyone reading reports of its proceedings will be struck with this fact. If the opposition had killed the movement, secret societies would have resulted, instead of open and loyal discus-ion. The chief reform advocated is a change in the constitution of the Supremo and Presidency Councils, which as at present formed do nob satisfy the people. A proportion of native members, it is true, are appointed to them by Government, but it is claimed that the former either do not represent public opinion, or else are useless and silent. Instead of all members being nominated by Government, the Congress desires that not less than one-half bo elected, nob more than one-quarter sib ex officio, and the rest to be nominated. This demand is surely moderade enough ; it is no attempt to get a Parliament, bub simply to be fairly represented in the Legislature. This skeleton scheme was entrusted to the late Mr. Bradlaugh, who attended the 1800 Congress, and he introduced a Bill into the House of Commons on these lines to givo effect to it. Though the Bill has been shelved for the present, it will doubtless be brought to tho front again before long. The Congress also debates and passes resolutions on all Indian questions, Government policy, etc.—such as taxation, education, the Civil Service, the land, military expenditure, etc. The Congress is thoroughly representative of the population and of the various religions of the Peninsula, Hindus, Mahometans, Christians, Jams, Sikhs, Parsees, and Jews, in proportion to their respective members. The majority of the delegates are elected at public meetings held for tho purpose, the rest by various associations. The number has increased so rapidly that it is now limited to five delegates per million of the population of the Congress circles. No better means could be found for welding together tho various races, obliterating differences of caste, creed, and paving the way for a United India. A pleasing fact to note is that the European missionaries have as a rule taken up the Congress Movement. On perusing the verbatim reports of the various Congresses one cannot help being struck with the speeches, mostly delivered in English, which display splendid powers of oratory, logic, and point, besides a perfect knowledge of our language. A notable feature of the 1SS!) Congress was the presence of women delegates, one of whom was elected at a public meeting, the others by various associations. They included European and native Christians, an orthodox Hindu, a Parsee, and three Brahmo-Samaj ladies. With one exception they were women who have for years done good work in India. Some of our national assemblies, even that august body the House of Commons, might bake a lesson from the conduct of their Aryan cousins when assembled in debate. As Sir W. Wedderburn expressed it, the assemblage of 1889 was " three times greater than the House of Commons and three times as easy to manage." The Indian progressists place their hope on British opinion to secure them their reasonable demands, through the medium of tho House of Commons. The Congress organisation has established tin agency in England, and have appointed representatives, English and native, to lay its views before the British public. Their efforts have so far been attended with great success.

In an Act of the British Parliament) of IS.'?:? is the following :—" That no native of the said territories (India), nor any natural born subject of His Majesty resident therein, shall by reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any place, oflice, or employment under the said Government." Queen Victoria in her proclamation of 1858 "willed" practically tho same thing, "That they (natives) be freely and impartially admitted to offices in our service, the duties of which they may bo qualified by their education, ability, and integrity duly to discharge." Now, these pledges though perhaps kept in the letter have not been fulfilled in the spirit, and it appears very much as if an underhand tacit obstruction to their fulfilment had been kept up behind the scenes. There are, of course, numbers of natives in the service, but I am alluding more especially to the higher spheres. Take, for instance, the case of a young Indian who wishes to enter the covenanted Civil Service, and who has to leave his country when young, travel several thousand miles, undertake a special study, and only for the chance of passing out among the "first forty" successful candidates. The Congress is but asking for fair play in this matter, by agitating for simultaneous examinations in England and India. It is illogical to cry out against the natives coming to tho front in the administration of their country, and at the same time go on educating them as we are doing. Tins matter leads us to a subject of great importance. Said Lord Northbrook : —"There is one simple test which we may apply to all Indian questions : let us never forget that it is our duty to govern India not to our profit or advantage, but for the benefit of the natives of India." Now, where will this lead us to ? The onward patriotic movement cannot be arrested. Should nob our aim in India be unselfishly to gradually extend Home Rule, as the country showed its readiness and fitness for it? Such a nation would ever be federated to England by ties of gratitude, trade, and associations. This is looking into tho future—the Congress does not even moot such a thing as yet—but, nevertheless, we can guide events towards that end.