THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1888.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXV, Issue 9218, 22 November 1888, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1888.

As we anticipated the difference over the appointment of a Governer for Queensland has developed new issues, and has extended far beyond the sphere in -which it originated. The colony of New South Wales appears to have gratuitously intervened in the quarrel, and the Premier, Sir Henry Parkes, has given notice to move an address to the Queen expressing an opinion that " gentlemen who may in future be appointed as Governors of the colonies should have experience of the conduct of public affairs, either in high political office, or in the Imperial Parliament ; further, that while disclaiming any wish to interfere with the functions of the Queen's advisers, it is thought advisable, reasonable, and in strict accord with the privileges constitutionally conferred on Australian subjects, that the Government should be informed who is the person selected before he is actually appointed." To this formulation of a general principle little exception can be taken, but its declaration at this time is certainly calculated to strengthen the hands of the Queensland Ministry in the contention on which they have launched. For the Premier of that colony has disclaimed any further desire than is expressed here, and only differs in making practical application of the to a particular case. That it would be inexpedient for the Secretary of State for the Colonies to make appointment of Governors personally objectionable, and likely to be received with disrespect by the people that they came to govern, does not admit of question ; and important though the constitutional question is as to who is to be charged with the responsibility of selection, it is practically of no less importance that the Queen's representative should be wellcorned with respect. It will be observed 'that the South Australian Government has also raised the claim to be informed beforehand as to any appointment of Governor for that colony which may be in contemplation; and we anticipate that, before this controversy passes away, a general rule will be agreed upon to guide, if not control,

all future appointments of colonial Governors. As we have said, it is greatly to be regretted that the general question comes up for settlement in connection with a particular case that involves elements of a special and personal kind, and such as are not of general application. It has now appeared clearly enough that the Queensland objections have been raised against Si H. A. Blake personally, and on account of his former connection with coercion in Ireland ; and we are now about to _ have a general rule established which lias been compelled by a particular case arising. For there is very little doubt that Lord Knuts' ford will yield the point to the Government of Sir Thomas Mcll" wraith, and that Sir H. A. Blab will be withdrawn from the appointment. That gentleman appears to desire that course himself, which is no to be wondered at; for no man would feel it a pleasant thing to be forced 01 an unwilling people, and to be made the corpus vile for a crucial experiment as to whether the Imperial or colonial Government has the stronger back bone. Should the Imperial Government persist in maintaining the appointment there is little doubt that the spirit or' resistance would be intensified in the colony ; and as Sir Samuel Griffith the leader of the Opposition, has been equally emphatic in asserting that "if was the greatest mistake for the Imperial Government to appoint a Governor who was not generally acceptable, and that it was the duty of the colonial Government to make these facts known to the Horn" authorities,' we are warranted in assuming that the government of Queensland by Sir H. A. Blake would be rendered an impossibility. However regrettable this may be, there is no overlooking the facts and the necessities of the case, and it is a moral certainty that the Secretary of State will feel compelled to accept the inevitable, and withdraw his man. If such occurs it will be the practical admission of a principle under the compulsion of circumstances— principle of grave import to the colonies and to England, and a principle that, in spite of all disclaimers, would be subsequently taken as a precedent, even if not formally sanctioned and confirmed for all future guidance. Mow in this let us see the illustration of an evil and of a danger to which the colonial Empire of England is exposed. There are those who maintain that steps should be taken promptly to have the federation or unification of the Empire placed on an intelligible basis. This is poohpoohed as chimerical by those who say that the Empire is sufficiently unified and consolidated as it is, and that any , attempt to construct a form of Imperial federation will tend to disruption rather than union. According to the views of these objectors, we should let the colonies drift, in the hope that difficulties as they arise will adjust themselves. Now we have just had an illustration, and if we are to leave the adjustment o: relations till difficulties arise and quarrels ensue, and temper gets heated to a greater extent than is likely on the present occasion, the settlement of the future and permanent relations of the colonies and Great Britain is likely to be a precarious and unsatisfactory thing. No one is insane enough to suppose that the present system will remain in perpetuity. A hundred years from now, when the population of these colonies will be double that of the British Islands, it is not in reason to suppose that the present system of appointing Governors, to say nothing of other acts of sovereignty, will remain as it is. These colonies will not tolerate being dragged into war without having a voice in the control of the affairs of the Empire of which Great Britain will be then but a small fractional part. These are facts which no one questions. To those who are content to say that when that time comes the Empire will have been disrupted, and the colonies will be independent nations, these are matters doubtless of no con se • quence whatever. But to all those who earnestly hope and believe that the British Empire will never be partitioned, but will remain the greatest, mightiest Power on earth, the folly of allowing the policy of drift ought • to be apparent. Surely it would ■ be better to take timely steps to have the relations of the various , portions of the Empire placed on a, ' defined and intelligible and amicable . footing, than to leave the matter till differences and quarrels and preten L sions compel the adjustment of relations. Settlements effected under the pressure of feeling and complicated with various issues personal, political or otherwise, cannot bo very satislac- ; tory settlements ; and those who advocate a policy of drift, and tell us that Federation of the Empire is a vision in > cloudland, do not seem to be possessed ! of that political prescience which is oi the essence of statesmanship. The extraordinary growth of the colonies has induced a condition of things that . even now demands the reconsideration . of many things in their relation to the ■■ Empire. Any delay in this will result • in frequent bumps such as the one that ! has j ust occurred; and every year from this will increase the liability, not to friction merely, but to collision, ant" the relations of the parts to the whole are rationally and permanently defined and adjusted, or the Empire is burst to fragments. ' : , '