Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

THE NEW EVANGEL.

IV.—THE MAIN ISSUES.

Finance-Economy, Wealth-Production, Fair- Legislation.

" Posciraur."—Hor. [Continuation of Article in New Zealand Herald, of 30th August, 1868.]

As the most probable means of accomplishing what is requisite, I advocate— 1. Reduce the Lower House to 50, (9), and the Upper House to 25, members.

2. Elect Lower House representatives for five years on a modification of Mr. Hare's system (10) ; and provide for vacancies, in the Upper House, being filled on a plan which it is premature here to set forth (11). 3. Abolish Government by party, giving power to the Governor (as in the States) (12) to appoint for his term his executive, subject to the approval of Parliament (13), but removable at his pleasure ; and lot the Executive consist of only three men— Secretary, Treasurer, and Attorney-General, not members of either House, and, indeed, ineligible for membership during tenure of office—with greatly enhanced powers to the Governor and his Executive, but with overriding powers to Parliament if twothirds of each House concurs.

4. Adopt Parliamentary procedure similar to that of the United States of America, where legislation substantially vests in the Standing Committees, by which procedure long, or useless, debates on the floor of the House are impossible.

5. Abolish the much-abused moving the adjournment of the House to enable mombers to re-open the debate, waste time, and ventilate impracticable ideas.

6. Introduce the American method of using " The Previous Question ;" (14) which has, in all American Legislatures, effectually put an end to " tho deadlock"—so often the method of obstruction in the British and Colonial Parliaments.

7. Clothe the Speakers with autocratic power of closure ; although if the two preceding suggestions be adopted there should be little need for it.

S. If Government by party be retained, forbid dissolution when it would involve two sessions in one year ; in other words, make resignation compulsory when a Government is beaten on a vote of want of confidence, as was for many years the practice in New Zealand until it was departed from by Sir G. Grey, and subsequently by Sir R. Stout.

9. Prohibit select committees for the special hearing of individual complaints; which mean jobs. Let all personal grievances be disposed of by the standing committees within whose scope the cases may respectively fall. 10. Discontinue Hansard.

11. Of course, sweep away that monstrous anomaly—payment of Upper House members.

12. Systematise (thereby greatly increase, and at tho same time greatly decrease) (15) local government (Hi), and relegate to it, in a revised form, all but New Zealand interests ; giving power of direct local taxation for all district requirements, including power of rating for education purposes— thereby avoiding education being a charge on general revenue. 13. Enact that impeachment shall be imperative ag.inst any Minister for exceeding, or being a party to, or conniving at, exceeding a vote, or diverting, or being a party to, or conniving at the diverting of, public moneys from the purpose for which they have been voted ; and

(14) Render illegal the borrowing outside of the colony of moneys by official bodies ; and also render illegal such State devices —dishonest to the British investor—as raising money by means of Treasury, or Deficiency, Hills. We should then have a JYrw Zealand Parliament legislating at, greatly reduced cost, including a Lower House consisting of Nf.w Zealand, and not district, representatives: dealing, necessarily farmore economically, with colonial and not Little Pedlington, party, or individual interests; with a tenure of office, and with such extended electorates, as would, render members much more independent of current popular clamour ; with parliamentary procedure virtually precluding useless talk ; with substantial provisions against party fights and intrigues, scrambles for office, misappropriation of votes, and abuses of forms of the House by obstruction, or otherwise ; and also providing against the cost and scandal of Ministerial dissolutions, select committees, and the pledging of the credit of the colony by such bodies as Dock and Harbour Boards. And we should also then have a well systematised and far less expensive scheme of local government (17), which would teach the lesson just now, above all others, needed to bo learnt, what taxation and economy mean. For direct taxation has always been found to be a great safeguard against administrative extravagance and corruption. By having such a Parliament we should, I hope, also secure—what is all-importantrepresenta-tives well informed in political economy, of sterling honesty, as financially independent as it is possible to procure thorn, and with that leisure to quietly watch, study, think out, and enforce—without which no man should take part in legislation. For "those commonweaths are happy whose rulers philosophise, and whose philosophers rule;'" and nothing can be more detrimental than to legislate for the occasion under pressure, instead of dealing with a situation deliberately, independently, broadly, and soundly. Indeed, such a parliamentary system should tend to reverse the teaching of history, that democracy do not choose, or wish to choose, the best men procurable. Towards finance - economy, and, therefore, towards the first step in restoring confidence such constitutional reform should mavellously contribute; whilst there would be with representatives of superior calibre, having more independent tenure, greatly enhanced freedom from party ties and individual scrambles, and with much less temptation, or, indeed, possibility of talk, every probability that sounder views respecting wealth-production, and fair-legislation would then prevail. To stop borrowing and hugely diminish expenditure are now virtually impossible. Then not only would both be effected, but immense reduction of taxation be a natural sequence. But, before showing how all this may be done, it may be profitable to realise our present condition, and how practically impossible it is under the existing regime to stop borrowing, and how our representatives persistently play the fool at Wellington, and at the same time persist in trying to gull the public that they have

9. In the United States the number of representatives is limited now to one in 154,000. If the American Parliamentary committee procedure, presently referred to, be not adopted, I should certainly like to suggest, not 50, but 25. Rut in any event it is not, of course, what I would like to suggest, but what in practicable, and I fear such a suggestion would not be within the range of practical politics at present. 10. Again, I venture to commend to notice the ably written pamphlet on this subject by " W.J.8." The working in France of the serutin do liste, as compared with the serutin d'arrondissement, seems to have been overlooked in the New Zealand debates on the representation question, just as the previous Parliamentary investigation appears to have been ignored in the discussions on the Chinese Bill. Intuitive knowledge and wisdom are evidently considered as the best guides by our political sages. 11. Lord Salisbury, in a recent speech, said :— " The Americans, as yon know, have a Senate. I wish we could institute it in this country. Marvellous in efficiency and strength." 12. " As far as I can see, the American Constitution Is the most wonderful work ever struck off at one time by the brain and purpose of man,"— stone.

"Theplain truth is, that, educated Englishmen are slowly learning that the American Republic affords the best example of a Conservative democracy, and now that England is becoming democratic, respectable Englishmen are beginning to consider whether the Constitution of the United States may not afford means by which, under new democratic forms, may be preserved the political Conservatism dear and habitual to the governing classes of England."— Dicey. X would, under other circumstances, suggest a Governor nominated by the Colony, and approved by the Crown. In other words—a President. But the suggestion would not, I think, under present conditions, be wise. 13. In the United States of America it is the Senate which approves. 14. See reference to "The Previous Question" in Standing Orders of the House of Representatives, Nos. 92, 94, 125, and 165. 15. For instance, note the absurdity of the Waitemata County Council and the Lake Road Board levying separately rates for the same property. Not content with taxing land Industry, and thrift once, the authorities seem determined, if possible, to repress- them by thus handicapping them locally twice, and with the property tax—thrice. What encouragement to wealth-producers 1 16. " I believe that provincial institutions are useful to all nations, but nowhere do they appear to me to be more indispensable than among a democratic people." "On the other hand, I am convinced that democratic nations are most disposed to fall beneath the yoke of a central administration," <fcc.—De Tocqueville, Supra, Part 1., pp. 98-99. 17. I may mention that a full and specially revised report of the speech of the Hon. Mr. Ritchie in introducing the new Local Government Kill in the House of Commons on March 19 last, with an introduction, and a summary and index to the principal provisions of the Bill, is now published in penny pamphlet form.

posed as patriots and statesmen. And in order to briefly do this, I cannot do better than commend to notice, and comment on, what seems to me probably the most instructive public document ever published in the colony, — "The Balance Sheets of the colony — 1832 - 1888." It is indeed mult inn in parvo— non multa—a history of New Zealand in figures, and alone sufficient to damn New Zealand finance and New Zealand financiers. It is therefore too important to be dealt with at the fag end of an otherwise important section. " The Balance Sheets of the Colony, 1832-1888," will consequently form the main subject of the next section of this article, as a fitting prelude to treating of hugely diminishing expenditure, and of immensely reducing taxation. R. Laishley.

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.
Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH18880904.2.44

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXV, Issue 9150, 4 September 1888, Page 6

Word Count
1,613

THE NEW EVANGEL. New Zealand Herald, Volume XXV, Issue 9150, 4 September 1888, Page 6

THE NEW EVANGEL. New Zealand Herald, Volume XXV, Issue 9150, 4 September 1888, Page 6