THE The New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1886.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXIII, Issue 7562, 15 February 1886, Page 4

THE The New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1886.

It seems as if the Irish policy of the Gladstone Government would not amount to much after all. At all events this is the conclusion which the statements of Mr. Morley, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, lead up to. In appearing before his constituents for re-election he, in referring to this subject, indulged in that vague language which has recently characterised the utterances of all the leaders of his party. He denounces that separation which the advocacy of Mr. Parnell and his followers points to as the only panacea for Ireland. That, he says, would be a disaster to Ireland, while it would be a disgrace to England. At the same time he talks of granting to Ireland a considerable enlargement in autonomy, and, contemporaneously -with this, says that vigorous measures for the main-, tenance of order and the defence of the rights of property would be devised. In doing the former he is quite safe, because he knows well that no Ministry proposing separation could hold office a day. But what does he mean by an enlarged autonomy 1 Are we to understand that a distinct Parliament is to be given to Ireland, with powers as defined by Mr. Chamberlain ? If this is what he refers to, why does he not say so in plain and intelligible words '( The real significance of his indefiniteness is that he is fully aware that explicitness would be attended with danger to the prospects of the Cabinet of which he is a leading member. That the granting of an independent legislature to Ireland is the very least concession with which the Parnellite section of the House would be content is beyond question, but Mr. Morley knows right well that, with a number of Liberals, such a concession would be regarded as only a steppingstone to separation, and hence he deals in platitudes about the advantage of autonomy and the necessity for maintaining order. Like the class of extremists to which he belongs, he finds it easy to propound theories, but difficult andit hazardous to reduce them to practice, and therefore contents himself with making magniloquent promises, which may be variously interpreted as the exigency of circumstances may require. As we have before pointed out, the grafting of an autonomy to Ireland, which. was not at the same time available for England, Scotland, and Wales, would be an egregious political blunder. While increasing instead of diminishing the troubles now a IB i cling Ireland, it would tend towards the disintegration of the United Kingdom. This was evidently the view taken of the ; position by the Conservative Government; and hence theiv announcement that any measure of local government they might introduce would apply family to all portions of the United Kingdom, at least in principle, though not necessarily in detail. This, however, Mr. Gladstone then took occasion to declare would not meet the special circumstances of Ireland, and he must therefore be regarded as committed to the policy of dealing with what are called the Irish demands on exceptional lines. This means, in plain language, that a local Parliament of some kind is to be granted to Ireland ; while, as it regards the other parts of the United Kingdom, matters are to remain as they are. I if is to something like this that he apparently referred when, in his recent address to the electors of' Midlothian, he said that it would be the aim of his Government to ameliorate Ireland by getting nearer the seat of the disease; and it is undoubtedly the same thing which Mr. Morley has in view when speaking of granting to Ireland an enlarged autonomy. Now, the question is, will this reach the seat of the disease? If we are to judge from the expression of public feeling in the North of Ireland such a policy ; is more likely to increase the evil than to. lessen it. There can be i no mistake about the < hostility with 1 which the constituting of a distinct ; Parliament is viewed in that division of the country. There it is all but universally regarded as fraught with , most serious danger. That it would i

intensify existing bring about a state of things'»? would justify the conclusion thai 1 cure was worse than the disease 1 be accepted as certain. The • it would be to place the law-abTrf "* portion of the population at the m g of those who are disposed to set? law at defiance; and any meaJ , which might be terdeviaed f JJ? maintenance of order, and the pr - * vation of the rights of property h*'*' ever vigorous they might seem, Wo !n be powerless to withstand the rev 1 tionary enthusiasm which had receivi" political encouragement. And a from this, it would fail to satisfy & ' demands of Mr. Parnell a followers. Even if they slionU fess themselves as satisfied with a policy, they would accept it on ]* Uc!l ; an instalment of what they make Yn secret of aiming at. For it i s .1 that autonomy in their sense of it*? not the autonomy that Mr. M / 3 proposes. Independence is what trV really desiderate, and with short of this as an ultimatum will th* rest content. A Parliament for I re i I they do want, and that they m av sibly obtain, or at all events be offer' but the absolute supremacy of th Parliament is the only final limit t' their aspirations. In so far, therefore, as the peaceful settlement of the agitation now n ceeding in Ireland is concerned, the is little or no prospect of it result;/ from the policy to which the Gladstor/ Government appear committed, such, if we mistake not, will p rove . be the judgment pronounced thereon by Parliament and the electorate, n might be different if a measure providing enlarged autonomy for the several historical portions of the United Kingdom were framed, such a mej. sure would, we believe, find very general favour, and would obviously be attended with many advantages It would realise a wonderful vmj. formity of constitutional action throughout the Empire, furnishing as it would to the various portions of the United Kingdom that freedom of local government enjoyed by Britain's colonial dependencies. It would then become apparent that, if Ireland did not experience the same peace and prosperity which prevailed in other quarters of the Empire, the fault would not be attributable to any disabilities for which the Imperial Legislature could be held responsible. But to proceed along any other lines will be productive not of peace but of strife, and strife, too, more bitter and more difficult to deal with than which is now alleged to exist in " the Isle of Saints." So certain is this that it is scarcely possible to believe that the Liberal Government will be reckless enough to attempt the policy indicated by its leaders when in opposition.