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THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, APRIL 28, 1884.

It is not usual for the political elements to get into a state of violent commotion on the eve of the last session of a Parliament; but that, nevertheless, is the present state of things in this colony. There are several circumstances which may serve to account for this, and a brief statement ,of them may help our distant readers to understand the intense activity prevailing within our political circles. Chief among these may be mentioned the agitation in Canterbury against the raising of the railway tariff, resolved on to prevent an alarming falling off in railway revenue; an acknowledged deficit in the ordinary revenue amounting to £152,000; the organisation of a political association in Otago having as its aim the restoration of the old syßtem oE Provincial Government; and finally the depressed state of trade, which has for some time been prevailing throughout the colony. Of these, the last named might naturally be regarded as the most potent factor in the political activity witnessed all around, as history shows that dull times and political discontent usually accompany each other. As a matter of fact, however, the reversion by the Ministry to something like the old railway tariff was the real primary cause of the storm. The raising of the rates had a very material bearing on the grain growers arid dealers of Canterbury, -which is the principal wheatproducing district in the colony; and a movement in that quarter was initiated and sustained by one public body after another to constrain the Cabinet to suspend the new tariff until the meeting of Parliament, on the alleged ground that the increase of railway rates partook of the nature of a tax which the Parliament alone had the right to impose. This movement the Ministry refused to make any concession to, and as by so doing they alienated a large number of their supporters in the House, both in Canterbury and Otago, the necessity was imposed on them to explain their position to the country, and prevent the disintegration of their party. Matters were thus in that state in which some brisk passages at arms between the leaders of the opposing parties might be looked for.

The political ■ campaign was accordingly commenced by the Premier, Major Atkinson, in the address made by him "on the 7th instant to his constituents at Hawera. In dealing with, the question of the deficit, he pointed out how this was-largely accounted for by "ihe saving habits which the people had felt the necessity of cultivating; to this necessity, again, was in part attributable the depression which had been prevalent in the country, and when thus viewed, this depression was no evidence at all of the unsoundness of the country, as some maintained, but the x'everse. The real truth was, as he afterwards stated in his speech at Dunedin, the Government had been spending about a million and a-half less of money on public works than had been the case for some years previous, and the consequence was that the circulation of money being less abundant, the people dispensed with a good many of the luxuries of life. In this way the greater part of the deficiency in the Customs revenue, £120,000, might be accounted for. To this circumstance might also be added the stoppage of the immigration scheme,. the establishment, of local industries, and, as was wel'i stated by the Chairman at the annual meeting of the Bank of New Zealand, on the 25 th instant, the overimportation of past years. It is clear that-all'these-would combine to lessen the demand for imported articles, lead to some commercial, stagnation, and cause the Customs returns to fall short of the estimate. Still, there was nothing in all this to cause anyone to be disheartened at the prospects of the colony. On the contrary, there was much in it that went to show the colony to be in a healthy condition financially, and that after the present depression passed off, its progress would rest on a sounder basis than formerly. The balance of the deficit in the estimated revenue for the year was mainly owing to an unwise reduction of the railway tariff, which had been tried as an experiment. But as the error had been corrected, a loss from this source would not again be entailed on the* revenue, while by judicious retrenchment in all the departments of the Oivil Service, it was hoped that any shortcoming in the ordinary revenue would be made good.

The speech of Major Atkinson, though it travelled into matters of a somewhat visionary character, such as the devising a better tenure of land than that of freehold, had undoubtedly an assuring effect on the country. 4.8 much cannot be said, however, of 'he one delivered a few days therefter by Mr. Montgomery, the oninal leader of the Opposition, ■fhe tendency of it was in fact the very opposite of assuring. Though aspiring to the position of Premier, he nevertheless, like,a man led by an evil genius, "went on to advocate a policy which practically meant the destruction of the colony's unity. The depression in trade was magnified by him unduly; fcut with a peculiar patriotism, he spoke of-it only in so far as/it affected Canterbury and Otago, and " attributed its prevalence* in these two portions of the colony mainly to the alleged fact that thay were robbed in order to make up for the - non-productiveness of public r '"- A > , ks in the other parts of the colony,

and especially in the Northern Island. This policy Major Atkinson demolished at Dunedin, by pointing out that the expenditure of the loans had been strictly impartial as between the two Islands, proceeding as it did on the basis of population, that the public works, especially the railways, belonged to the people as a body, and that the profits resulting from the working of any of them were not meant to go into the pockets of those" residing in wealthy districts, but should be regarded as belonging to the nation. JFor Mr. Montgomery, however, the idea of nationality in a matter of profits has ho charm at all, and he therefore inexorably goes in for the financial separation of the two Islands, the removal of the seat of Government to the Middle Island, and the absolute management of the railways of each Island by two independent non-political Boards. Apparently Mr. Montgomery had failed to see how this policy meant the ultimate creation of two separate colonies; but the mind of the people has. long ago determined on preserving the unity of the colony, and, in advocating a theory which involves its disintegration, Mr. Montgomery has simply played the ball into his opponents' hands, and sealed his own doom as Opposition leader.

The platform adopted by the Ofcago Constitutional Association sought to avoid Mr. Montgomery's blunder by going in for the decentralisation of the functions of Government by the creation of large local governing districts. This does not necessarily imperil the unity of the colony, yet means a'revival, in a -worse form than before, of the old system of Provincial Governments. It is in fact the creation of a connected series of oligarchies. There is a boldness about the scheme which has its attraction for some minds, but it should have the effect of reducing the General Government to a condition of powerlessness and placing the weaker districts at the mercy of the stronger in the distribu tion of revenue, while at the same time making the whole colony liable for any debts contracted by the local bodies. It carries on the face of it its own condemnation. It was mainly with the view of administering a check'to the attempt to overthrow the constitution that the Premier went to Dunedin and was successful in carrying with him the majority of the largest political audience ever witnessed in that city. His daring in venturing into the very citadel of his opponents might have had something to do with this result, but it was doubtless duelto the fact that to the great body of the people this; attempt at giving us a new constitution appears as one thoroughly impracticable. During the interval that elapsed between the meeting held by Major Atkinson at Hawera and the one he addressed at Dunedin, the views of two other members of the ; Cabinet—Mr. Rolleston, Minister of Ijands, -, and Mr. Conolly, Attorney General— were put before the public. The former gentleman was allowed a hearing, but that was all; his sin in upholding the decision of the Cabinet in regard to the new railway- tariff, being wholly unpardonable in the eyes of men who were thereby deprived of a selfish advantage. The' man who was a party to an arrangement, which the condition of the revenue, and impar-1 tialitv-towards both Islands called for, was not the man for them. The meeting was a packed one, and it is difficult," therefore, to say what' the feeling of the constituency proper may be; but meanwhile, it is rumoured that, should the electorate of Avon be closed to the Minister of Xiands, another will be found ready to welcome him. The Attorney-General, as the representative of a comparatively poor, and therefore, unselfish district, fared very differently from his colleague. In the quiet and secluded atmosphere of Picton he was accorded a generous welcome, and took the opportunity of giving a detailed view of the Ministerial programme. From him the public learned for'the first time that the Cabinet had resolved to adopt, as part of their policy, a return to the pre-emptive right of government over all native lands. It is commonly supposed that this is resorted to as a concession to the South, whose politicians are not desirous of seeing the native lands rapidly made available for settlement; as this would soon equalise the population of the two Islands, and destroy the numerical voting power in the House now possessed by the South. But however that may be, such a measure is sure to give widespread dissatisfaction in the North, and alienate from the Ministry, not a few of their staunchest supporters, with whom free trade in native land is regarded as the only means of settling the unoccupied native territory. It is just possible that Ministers may gain more than they will lose by such a proposal ; but it is also not unlikely that to the Bill for resuming the pre emptive right, they will attach a Loan Bill, providing for the complete purchase of the lands in question, and opening them up for settlement, in which case they would command the majority of members both North and South. On this point Major Atkinson has not yet spoken; but he may take the opportunity of explaining the intentions of the Ministry regarding it during the visit to Auckland which he is expected to make in a few days. Thus far Sir George Grey, who is the real though not the ostensible leader of the Opposition, has observed that quietness ■ which is his strength. But he goes South in a few days to addresß the Working Men's Olubs, and has the whole field of political speculation as his opportunity. What course he means to pursue he has not yet made known, but events are gravitating fast towards a union of the Opposition party under his leadership, and a keen struggle for places with the party at present in power. It is difficult to say what the result of the next election may be; but, taking into account the fact of the general confidence of the public in Major Atkinson's colonial finance, and the impression'which his fearless courage is now making on the country, the chances are that, with some changes in its personnel, the reins of Government will remain in the hands of the party now holding them.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH18840428.2.17

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume XXI, Issue 7003, 28 April 1884, Page 5

Word Count
1,983

THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, APRIL 28, 1884. New Zealand Herald, Volume XXI, Issue 7003, 28 April 1884, Page 5

THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. MONDAY, APRIL 28, 1884. New Zealand Herald, Volume XXI, Issue 7003, 28 April 1884, Page 5